Comments by "doveton sturdee" (@dovetonsturdee7033) on "Operation Rheinübung - First and Last Voyage of the Bismarck" video.
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HX 84, River Plate, Renown attacking Scharnhorst & Gneisenau off Norway, Barents Sea, 1st Battle of Narvik, Glasgow & Enterprise engaging (and defeating) 12 German Destroyers & Torpedo Boats in the Bay of Biscay, 28 December, 1943, Li Wo, February, 1942. That is a few to be going on with, although there are others.
The fact is, because the British had a large navy, they were rarely outnumbered in a naval action, but on the odd occasion when they were, they still did not hesitate to engage.
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What exactly are you writing about? Just to educate you, Bismarck was on a mission to sink supply convoys. The Home Fleet intercepted her, engaged her, and sank her, before she even saw a supply convoy.
'A true slap in the face to the United States.' This would be the neutral United States, content to leave Britain and her Commonwealth to defend democracy alone, until dragged kicking and screaming into WW2 by events at Pearl Harbor and the German declaration of war, I assume?
After which, the head of the US Navy, Ernie King, allowed around 600 merchantmen and most of their crews to perish within sight of the American East Coast by refusing to set up a convoy system, simply because it was a British idea.
It anything was 'a pathetic disgrace' the Second Happy Time and Operation Drumbeat meets the criterion.
When you grow up, perhaps you might buy a book or two to improve your knowledge?
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To my mind, the one commander on either side who did everything right was her Captain, Frederick Dalrymple-Hamilton.
Rodney's arrival is splendidly described in Ludovic Kennedy's 'Pursuit,' as follows :-
' Now, there was nothing to do but wait. It was an agonising period, but Tovey was not left brooding for long. 'Ship bearing Red Seven-O,' shouted a look out. All eyes on the bridge turned to the port beam, there below the horizon were the unmistakable outlines of a ship's fighting top. Could it be Prinz Eugen?' The alarm bells were sounded, the gun crews ran to their turrets, the great guns swung round.
But now her upperworks were coming into view, and there could be no mistaking them. It was Rodney, for Tovey and his staff a truly wonderful sight. She had made no signals for over thirty hours, had been told by the Admiralty to steer a variety of courses which could have taken her anywhere, and now, like Aphrodite, was rising from the sea to take her place on the stage at the time when she was most needed.'
Perhaps Ludovic went a little overboard comparing her to the Greek Goddess of Love & Beauty, however!
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@erictaylor5462 Oh dear. You really are a touchy little chap. Try not to get so worked up; it really isn't healthy.
So you didn't say 'Using modern Carrier battle group tactics.' Odd that, did someone hack into your post and add it without your knowledge?
You said 'using carrier deployed Bf-109's' The simple fact is that the undercarriage of the Bf109 made it unsuitable for carrier operations. However, if that isn't enough, why don't you read for yourself the range of which the Bf109 was capable. When you do, you will realise that it was far too short legged for naval operations.
Perhaps you are not fully aware of the strategic thinking behind the construction of the German battleship fleet. If you had been, you would have known that it was not intended to fight the Royal Navy, but the French Navy, in line with the thinking developed by the Weimar republic that any future German war would be against the Soviet Union and/or the Soviet Union. The pocket battleships from the Weimar period had a double purpose, in that they could dominate the Baltic, but still operate against French troop convoys. The French retaliated by, from 1932, building the Dunquerque & Strasbourg. Germany responded by producing the Scharnhorst class, France then laid down Jean Bart & Richelieu, to which the Bismarck class were the counter. In other words, German pre-war naval planning was based entirely on the French navy; The Germans never sought a war with Britain, largely because there was never any possibility, of challenging the Royal Navy, which explains why the Kreigsmarine was so ill prepared in September, 1939.
By the way, if we go along with your suggestion of German carriers operating in the mid Atlantic searching for convoys (using short range aircraft) and protecting, apparently, wolf packs, what is your estimate of the life expectancy of these vessels?
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If they had expended vast sums on a surface fleet, then they wouldn't have been able to build up their army & air force to the same extent. As a result, the conquest of France probably wouldn't have happened, Italy would probably have remained neutral, and the Anglo-French naval resources could have been concentrated in the North Sea, as, of course, the French Atlantic bases wouldn't have been available to the Kriegsmarine as they historically were.
As to modern carrier tactics, the Germans had absolutely no experience whatsoever of naval aviation, the one carrier they half built was, in design, similar to the RNs Courageous & Glorious, which by 1939 were long in the tooth to say the least, and the Bf109, with a very narrow and frail undercarriage, was almost laughably unsuited for use as a carrier based fighter. Just compare it to the Fairey Fulmar, let alone the US carrier aircraft designs of the same period, such as the Grumman Wildcat.
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The radar system had already failed, after Bismarck had fired at HMS Norfolk on 23 May. The blast from Bismarck's forward guns had disabled her own radar, which was rather more 'delicate' than the British type 284.
Bismarck's design was outdated, featuring incremental armour of the type used in WW1, which had been superseded long ago in the US & Royal Navies by the All or Nothing type more suited to longer range engagements. It was also significantly thinner than the armour of either the Nelson or King George V classes. These two classes also fired a heavier weight of broadside.
There was no possibility of salvaging Bismarck. At the end, she was listing by 20 degrees, sinking by the stern, and suffering from serious internal fires. The leaders of both scientific expeditions to the wreck, Bob Ballard & David Mearns, both opined that any scuttling attempt would only have hastened what was inevitable anyway.
You don't consider the losses in Norway of half of the total German destroyer fleet, the sinking of two (out of a total of six) light cruisers, and the crippling of a third in December, 1939, the long term damage to Deutchland/Lutzow, and the damage caused to Scharnhorst & Gneisenau, putting them out of action until November, 1940, to have been significant setbacks, then? Well, I suppose you are entitled to your opinion.
In reality, after the sinking of Bismarck, the German surface fleet was more or less reduced to an irrelevance. Prinz Eugen, Scharnhorst, & Gneisenau escaped back to German waters. Gneisenau never sailed again, Scharnhorst sailed once more, and was sunk, Prinz Eugen made a abortive attempt to reach Norway, but was torpedoed, and thereafter pottered around the Baltic until surrender to the Allies, and Tirpitz functioned as an expensively maintained Fleet in Being.
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Prince of Wales' engines were not 'in trouble' and her captain was not injured. Her masin armament was quickly restored, although certainly unreliable.
However, Bismarck had been damaged by a hit in her bows which left her down by the bows and leaking fuel oil. After the action Lutjens signalled Prinz Eugen to proceed at reduced speed.
Aside, of course, from Bismarck's inability to bring PoW to battle (although PoW did re-engage Bismarck later, twice on the same day) was Lutjens' worry about the failure of Luftwaffe intelligence, which had led him to believe that there were no British capital ships in the area. It was, in his mind, a real possibility that following PoW might lead him into other approaching British heavies.
As to sinking Norfolk & Suffolk, how would that be achieved when both were several knots faster than Bismarck, and radar-equipped?
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@ricoh.3162 Did HMS Rodney also have a poor output of shells? I wonder if the crew Of Scharnhorst would agree with your assessment of the guns of the KGV class as 'flawed?'
There are indeed many books. Perhaps you haven't read that by Von Mullenheim-Rechberg, the senior surviving officer. To quote from page 211 of the English version, published by the United States Naval Institute, Annapolis, in 1980 :-
'Was Lindemann still in charge there? No reports came down to us, nor were we asked what was happening in our area. We had nor heard a single word from the forward part of the ship since the action began but, considering the large number of hits we had felt, there must have been some drastic changes............ Had Albrecht been directing the secondary battery from there? (the forward fire control station). Was his own station serving only as a place of refuge? Those questions were never answered.....
I reached a messenger in the damage control center. The man was in a great hurry, and said only that both the First Officer and the Damage Control Engineer had had to abandon the damage control center, adding that he was the last one in the room and had to get out. Then he hung up. That was my last contact with the forward part of the ship.'
Of course, that was merely an account given by Baron Burkard Von Mullenheim-Rechberg, presumably, in your mind, another British Fanboy?
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@TTTT-oc4eb Oh dear, another wehraboo. Bismarck had been working up for seven months. Exactly how long did she need? USS South Dakota worked up in four and a half, and HMS King George V in three and a half.
Bismarck had outdated incremental armour, a generation behind the all-or-nothing of US battleships, and RN battleships from the Nelsons onwards. She also had outdated low angle secondary 5.9 inch armament, at a time when her contempories, the KGVs, & the Washingtons, had DP secondaries. She also had four twin main turrets, rather than the triples of the Washingtons, the Nelsons, and the KGVs, resulting in unnecessary dispersal of armour. Finally, her internal communications were placed above the main armoured deck. In her last battle (if, indeed, it could even be called a battle) these were put out of action in minutes.
Then, of course, there is the matter of weight of broadside. Bismarck's was 14.112 lbs. A KGV's was 15,900 lbs, a Nelson's 18,432 lbs, and a Washington's 24,300 lbs.
One thing I will acknowledge. however. Her speed when undamaged gave her the ability to avoid action with a Nelson and, perhaps, with a Washington or a KGV.
Again, on the subject of AA atmament, she carried 16 x 105mm guns, 16 x 37mm guns, & 12 x 20mm guns. However, when they were as badly directed as they were aboard Bismarck, they were largely irrelevant in any case.
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@spider love Try again. Repulse and Prince of Wales were sunk by torpedo bombers. The Luftwaffe in May 1941 had no torpedo bombers. Each ship was hit by only one bomb each, and neither penetrated the armour of the ship concerned. If the Japanese had attacked with level bombers, the two ships would have survived, as the failure of Italian level bombers in the Mediterranean had already demonstrated.
Furthermore, at Dunkirk the Luftwaffe had already demonstrated that it was ill-equipped to hit warships at sea or, come to that, even when stopped offshore.
In any case, this is more or less irrelevant. Tovey took his battleships away, after they had reduced Bismarck to a slowly sinking hulk, because they were short of fuel and he knew that U-Boats had been directed to the area. Try reading Ludovic Kennedy's book.
What has Omaha beach got to do with events which took place in May, 1941, by the way?
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The actual damage to Bismarck was rather more serious & widespread than most people actually realise, as follows:-
The fatal torpedo hit the steering area of Bismarck. The full fury of the detonation was vented into the ship and against the shell and rudders. The steering capability of the ship was destroyed. The transient whipping response caused by this torpedo hit was stunning. The hull, according to survivors, acted like a springboard, and severe structural damage was sustained in the stern structure. The steering gear complex, encased in 150 mm thick armor, was rather rigid in comparison to the 10 meter long canoe-shaped stern. The unarmored stern structure vibrated at a different frequency than the main hull just ahead of it. Tears were opened in the side shell and bulkheads adjacent to the damaged area. The two decks in the stern were wrecked by the force of the explosion, and equipment in the quarterdeck area was seriously damaged as the explosion expanded upward. Seaman Helmut Behnke, who was sent to check on the smoke-making machinery and its piping found it completely destroyed. Evidence of the severity of damage can be seen in the videotapes of the stern area of the wreck. The remaining platform decks are badly twisted and the upper portions of the damage can be barely seen just above the sediments.
The rudders were jammed at a position of 12 degrees to port, as the ship was in the process of turning to evade a port side torpedo attack when she was struck. Herculean efforts by the damage control teams could not correct this situation as they were unable to enter the steering compartments. Immediately after the torpedo hit Bismarck commenced turning in circles, out of control. Once speed was reduced, the ship inexorably assumed a course to the northwest, directly towards her pursuers, as the intensity of the storm increased.
Attempts to vary the propeller revolutions on the three shafts, ordered by the leader of the damage control team, Commander Hans Oels, failed to counter the effects of the jammed rudder. With British destroyers now closing to attempt torpedo attacks, Bismarck began a night gunfire action which prevented any further damage-control efforts aft. Stormy conditions, darkness, and gun blast from turrets Caesar and Dora prevented damage control teams from assembling at the stern to try to access the steering gear compartments and repair the damage. Divers reported to Commander Oels, the Executive Officer, that they were unable to enter because of surging water within the after steering gear rooms. One of the divers had to abandon his attempt after his air hose became ensnared in damaged structure, cutting off his air supply. Josef Statz overheard Commander Oels say to the exhausted divers when they entered Damage Control Center: "Only if we had the diving apparatus issued to submariners."
It is believed that part of the stern collapsed onto the rudders, as happened with the Prinz Eugen and armored cruiser Lützow, or was damaged in such a way that it was impossible to steer the ship by either manual or mechanical means. It would have been necessary to cut away structure which was covered by surging water. In any event, the repair of such damage was beyond the capability and material provided aboard the Bismarck, even if weather and battle conditions had been more favourable. The stern structure was massively damaged and eventually failed.
There is remarkable similarity between the Bismarck damage and a similar torpedo hit on the stern of Prinz Eugen on 23 February 1942. Dr. Erwin Strohbusch, who directed the repairs of this heavy cruiser in Norway, wrote that this incident, and an earlier one on the armored cruiser Lützow, whose stern also collapsed from a torpedo hit, indicated a structural flaw in the stern design of German armored ships, heavy cruisers, and battleships. Improvements were made to the stern structures of Admiral Hipper, Lützow, Tirpitz, Admiral Scheer and Scharnhorst during 1942-1943.
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@karlheinzvonkroemann2217 'This Rheinubung Operation had NOTHING at all to do with Bismarck.' Of course it did. It culminated in Bismarck being sunk. The Channel Dash was Unternehmen Zerberus, or Operation Cerberus.
Scharnhorst & Gneisenau had one successful Atlantic raid, Operation Berlin.
After they, and Prinz Eugen, escaped to German waters, Gneisenau never sailed again following damage in port, Prinz Eugen never reached Norway, and Scharnhorst, the only one actually to reach Norway, carried out a single mission in company with Tirpitz, bombarding Spitzbergen. Her next voyage, in December, 1943, led to her sinking.
Tirpitz had carried out on aborted operation against convoys PQ12 & QP8 in March 1942, but abandoned it upon the imminent arrival of the Home Fleet.
After that, Tirpitz became a typical 'Fleet In Being.'
'Since your're not really very aware of what happend after May 1941.' Very good. As you don't seem to know the difference between Exercise Rhine and Operation Cerberus, or what happened to Gneisenau & Prinz Eugen subsequently, however, I respectfully submit that it is not I who needs to do a little reading.
You don't need to reply. I will take your apology as read.
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@baltulielkungsgunarsmiezis9714 The video refers to the claim I mentioned earlier, which emerged in 2008 or so, from the son of someone who died in 2004. It is unsupported by any German survivor. The reference to the black flag is anachronistic, by the way. U-Boats in May 1945 were ordered to surface and fly a black flag to notify allied ships and aircraft that they had surrendered, but I have come across no reference to such a use prior to that date. Indeed, in the 17th & 18th century, a black flag generally meant 'no quarter.' I would be interested to know if anyone else has heard of this alleged alternative use.
If you choose to believe one isolated comment in defiance of all other evidence, then that is, of course, entirely up to you.
By the way Crawford was a Lieutenant-Commander, not a Lootenant-Commander, as stated.
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Tovey later commented that he had thought of telling Holland to place PoW, a better armoured ship, in the lead, but chose against giving such an order to so senior an officer. I have never seen any suggestion that Leach was so openly critical of Holland.
Holland was unlucky in that Suffolk lost contact with Bismarck & Prinz Eugen at a vital time during the approach of Hood & PoW, which meant that Holland was unaware of their course change, resulting in their approach becoming angled rather than direct, as he had intended.
Certainly, Hood did assume that Bismarck was the leading ship, whereas PoW had identified it to be PE. Holland was aware of Hood's potential weakness in horizontal armour compared to PoW, and attempted to reduce her period of vulnerability to the minimum, but, despite those who still believe to the contrary, the critical hit does not seem to have been caused by penetration of her deck.
In short, Napoleon was said to ask of a commander, 'Is he lucky?' It seems that Holland simply was not.
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Bismarcki had 15 inch guns and outdated incremental armour. The Nelsons, Colorados, North Carolinas, South Dakotas, Iowas, and Nagatos had 16 inch guns, and the Yamatos 18.1 inch guns.
Bismarck's weight of broadside was 14,112 lbs. Nelson's 18,432 lbs, and the North Carolinas, Iowas, & South Dakotas 24,300 lbs.
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@Imperium83 How better to demonstrate your peaceful intentions than by invading, without declaration of war, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Denmark, Norway, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, and Belgium. Oh, and two years later, your bestest chum, the Soviet Union?
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There were two exits into the main Atlantic. These were the Denmark Strait and the Iceland-Faroes Gap. During Operation Berlin, Tovey concentrated his fleet in the Iceland-Faroes Gap, and Scharnhorst/Gneisenau used the Denmark Strait. This time, Tovey, with four capital ships plus one carrier, placed his 2nd & 3rd most battleworthy ships in the Denmark Strait, and his 1st & 4th, plus the carrier, in the Gap. His calculation was that each force was strong enough to prevent Lutjens carrying out his orders, which were to attack convoys in the Altantic.
Tovey was proved correct. During the Denmark Strait action, Prince of Wales inflicted sufficient damage on Bismarck to oblige Lutjens to make for France.
Holland was well aware of Hood's weaknesses. He needed to close the range quickly, as, in a short range slogging match, Hood's belt, which was almost as strong as Bismarck's, put her in a much less vulnerable position. Holland intended that Wake-Walker's cruisers would engage Prinz Eugen, but the action was over before Wake-Walker could do anything.
Protecting the Atlantic Convoy routes was hardly a minor engagement, by the way.
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Then the sources are either disingenuous or badly informed. The term would probably have been to attack in divisions. In RN WW2 destroyer terms, a 'division' was a half flotilla, usually led by the second-in-command of the flotilla. Early in the war, it would have consisted of four ships from a flotilla of eight. In Vian's case, as there were four destroyers, it would have been reduced to two.
It is, frankly, inconceivable that any RN officer aboard Piorun would not have known precisely what Vian meant. Moreover, it really does not explain why, alone of the five destroyers, only one failed to attempt a torpedo attack, and only one lost contact during the action.
A gun duel might have seemed gallant, but it was also futile & pointless in the circumstances.
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Not quite. It was Ludovic himself who witnessed the battle. His father, Edward Coverley Kennedy, was captain of the armed merchant cruiser Rawalpindi when she was sunk by Scharnhorst & Gneisenau in the Iceland-Faroes passage on 23 November, 1939. Kennedy was ordered to surrender by the German commander, but instead chose to fight, transmitting an enemy sighting report, and scoring one hit on Scharnhorst. His last words to his bridge personnel were reported as "We’ll fight them both, they’ll sink us, and that will be that. Good-bye".
You are right, by the way. Ludovic Kennedy's book is excellent, written as it was by someone who experienced and understood naval warfare.
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@Daz-ty6bo Sorry, but you are either an idiot, a child, or simply very immature. The prime evidence in the photograph is that, as other photographs, German records, and drawings all clearly demonstrate, Bismarck never carried any torpedo tubes, and Tirpitz only received two sets later in her career.
As did, incidentally, Scharnhorst & Gneisenau, although in their case they were triple sets removed from German light cruisers.
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@TwistedSisterHaratiofales I'm sorry. I didn't realise how little you actually knew about the action. In no particular order :-
1). KGV was rather more than 30 or 40 miles away. There were two realistic exit points into the Atlantic. Hood & POW were sent to cover one, whilst KGV covered the other. KGV, by the way, had the battlecruiser Repulse and the carrier Victorious with her. You can find fuller details in any book on the subject. Perhaps you might care to try 'The Bismarck Chase' by Robert Winklareth, an American author.
2). Norfolk & Suffolk were not 'afraid' to engage, but were intending to take on Prinz Eugen whilst Hood & POW challenged Bismarck. However, the main action was over very quickly, at which point Wake-Walker, now in command of the British force, reverted to the traditional role of the cruiser, that of shadowing an enemy force in order to bring further heavy units ( i.e., KGV, Repulse, & Victorious) into contact.
3). POW broke off the engagement because X turret had suffered a mechanical failure. This was quickly repaired, and she did briefly re-engage.
4). The damage to Bismarck was already serious enough to force Lutjens to abandon his mission. You write glibly about Bismarck, after possibly sustaining further damage, still having 'better chance to run for home.' She was already short of fuel following the loss of her bow tanks, was down by the bows, and had a list. This damage led to her eventual destruction. I cannot see how you can possibly argue that a Bismarck with further damage would have had a better chance.
5). In the final engagement, Prinz Eugen would have been useless, although Dr. Ballard would doubtless have taken some poignant pictures of her wreck when he filmed Bismarck. Lutjens' decision to detach her was undoubtedly correct, given his original instructions, in that she might have carried on operations against Atlantic convoys. Of course, as was usual with the Hippers, she developed engine problems and achieved nothing.
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@trentxiiib8756 I note that you haven't explained why the Germans, who were apparently still following 'the rules of war' at the time, failed to attempt to pick up any survivors from HMS Glorious. The RN, in the form of Dorsetshire & Maori, did seek to pick up Bismarck survivors, but abandoned the attempt rather than risk being subjected to a U-boat attack, and U-boats had been reported in the area. Lutjens had even signalled for one to collect Bismarck's war diary.
At North Cape, the British picked up those survivors they could find, which were indeed very few, largely because of the darkness and weather conditions. They did not break off until they had completed their task. Do you have any understanding of what life expectancy was in the Arctic in December?
There are numerous books about the Bismarck action, the sinking of Glorious (and, for that matter, of Aboukir, Hogue, and Cressy) and North Cape. Why not read them instead of persisting with your ill-informed and obviously prejudiced foolishness.
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I see. Are you really ignorant enough to believe that a U-boat commander would be able to see, let alone read, signal flags or lamps, in such circumstances, even should he be unwise enough to try?
You suggest that the captain of HMS Dorsetshire stops his cruiser, with a crew of 850 men, in mid-Atlantic, and ignores reports of U-boats in the area, because he can be confident that all U-boat captains are honourable humanitarians who would surely refrain from torpedoing an enemy cruiser? I'm sure that, as the second of three torpedoes slammed into his command, Captain Martin's last recorded action would have been a good-natured shrug.
Out of interest, on 8 June, 1940, the aircraft carrier Glorious and her two escorting destroyers were sunk in the North Sea by the German battleships Scharnhorst & Gneisenau. Would you care to tell me whether the two battleships stopped to pick up survivors? Perhaps you would like another example. In September, 1914, the cruiser Aboukir was torpedoed in the North Sea by the German U-boat U9. Two other cruisers stopped to rescue survivors, and the U-boat torpedoed these as well. In point of fact, the German commanders both acted correctly, just as Captain Martin did.
At North Cape, by the way, Scharnhorst was sunk at 1945 on 26 December, 1943. It was pitch dark, and the British battleship had been firing by radar. After Scharnhorst sank, Admiral Fraser sent two destroyers to pick up survivors, but in the darkness, with a heavy, freezing, sea, they only managed to find 36. In the prevailing conditions, it was quite remarkable that even 36 survived.
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The damage was far far greater than that :
The fatal torpedo hit the steering area of Bismarck. The full fury of the detonation was vented into the ship and against the shell and rudders. The steering capability of the ship was destroyed. The transient whipping response caused by this torpedo hit was stunning. The hull, according to survivors, acted like a springboard, and severe structural damage was sustained in the stern structure. The steering gear complex, encased in 150 mm thick armor, was rather rigid in comparison to the 10 meter long canoe-shaped stern. The unarmored stern structure vibrated at a different frequency than the main hull just ahead of it. Tears were opened in the side shell and bulkheads adjacent to the damaged area. The two decks in the stern were wrecked by the force of the explosion, and equipment in the quarterdeck area was seriously damaged as the explosion expanded upward. Seaman Helmut Behnke, who was sent to check on the smoke-making machinery and its piping found it completely destroyed. Evidence of the severity of damage can be seen in the videotapes of the stern area of the wreck. The remaining platform decks are badly twisted and the upper portions of the damage can be barely seen just above the sediments.
The rudders were jammed at a position of 12 degrees to port, as the ship was in the process of turning to evade a port side torpedo attack when she was struck. Herculean efforts by the damage control teams could not correct this situation as they were unable to enter the steering compartments. Immediately after the torpedo hit Bismarck commenced turning in circles, out of control. Once speed was reduced, the ship inexorably assumed a course to the northwest, directly towards her pursuers, as the intensity of the storm increased.
Attempts to vary the propeller revolutions on the three shafts, ordered by the leader of the damage control team, Commander Hans Oels, failed to counter the effects of the jammed rudder. With British destroyers now closing to attempt torpedo attacks, Bismarck began a night gunfire action which prevented any further damage-control efforts aft. Stormy conditions, darkness, and gun blast from turrets Caesar and Dora prevented damage control teams from assembling at the stern to try to access the steering gear compartments and repair the damage. Divers reported to Commander Oels, the Executive Officer, that they were unable to enter because of surging water within the after steering gear rooms. One of the divers had to abandon his attempt after his air hose became ensnared in damaged structure, cutting off his air supply. Josef Statz overheard Commander Oels say to the exhausted divers when they entered Damage Control Center: "Only if we had the diving apparatus issued to submariners."
It is believed that part of the stern collapsed onto the rudders, as happened with the Prinz Eugen and armored cruiser Lützow, or was damaged in such a way that it was impossible to steer the ship by either manual or mechanical means. It would have been necessary to cut away structure which was covered by surging water. In any event, the repair of such damage was beyond the capability and material provided aboard the Bismarck, even if weather and battle conditions had been more favourable. The stern structure was massively damaged and eventually failed.
There is remarkable similarity between the Bismarck damage and a similar torpedo hit on the stern of Prinz Eugen on 23 February 1942. Dr. Erwin Strohbusch, who directed the repairs of this heavy cruiser in Norway, wrote that this incident, and an earlier one on the armored cruiser Lützow, whose stern also collapsed from a torpedo hit, indicated a structural flaw in the stern design of German armored ships, heavy cruisers, and battleships. Improvements were made to the stern structures of Admiral Hipper, Lützow, Tirpitz, Admiral Scheer and Scharnhorst during 1942-1943.
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The claim of the 'Black Flag' was first made in the year 2008 or thereabouts by someone who told an author that he had been told that by his late father, who served aboard HMS Rodney. Moreover, why a 'Black Flag', whicn in naval history has always been symbolic of 'no quarter?
The oinly occaion U boats, for example, used a black flag was in May, 1945, when ordered by Doenitz to surface and fly one to notify the allies of their surrender.
'With so many British ships around it was doubtful that any U-boat would have attacked.' Why is it doubtful? Dorsetshire (not Dorcester, by the way) was a big fat heavy cruiser, with a crew of around 700. A tempting target for any U-boat commander, few of whom were known for their chivalrous, kind. approach to their job.
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@malcolmtaylor518 I agree that POW should have led. More relevantly, Tovey thought the same, and subsequently wrote that he had considered signalling this to Holland. Indeed, he was to say that, to the end of his days, he regretted not so doing, deciding instead to leave tactical decisions to the man on the spot. Whether Holland, brought up on the traditions of the Royal Navy, would have so acted will, of course, never be known.
Holland did intend that Wake-Walker's squadron should engage Prinz Eugen, but the reality was that the battle was over before any such action could be taken. The idea of holding back until Tovey's two capital ships arrived seems eminently sensible in retrospect, but at the time Holland felt that his two ships, supported by Norfolk, Suffolk, and his destroyers, when they arrived, were sufficient to engage successfully.
In short, I believe that Napoleon's question concerning a general ( is he lucky?) could have been applied to Holland. He did little wrong, but on 24 May, the fates conspired against him. I hope that the following, which is a condensed version of the action, explains why I say this :-
As Holland approached Bismarck, he was receiving regular reports from Suffolk & Norfolk. By maintaining his course and speed, he could have crossed 60 miles ahead of her track at around 0230. This, however, would have meant undertaking a night action. Therefore, Holland, at 0012, altered course to slightly west of north, and reduced speed to 25 knots, his intention being to meet the German force more or less head on at around 0200. This would have left Bismarck silhouetted against the afterglow, whilst Hood's squadron would have been approaching at a combined speed of 50 knots, from an unexpected direction. This would have minimised the time during which Hood was at her most vulnerable. This intention was signalled to Leach in POW.
Unfortunately, Suffolk temporarily lost contact around 0028, and only regained it at around 0300. During this period, obviously unknown to Holland, the German force had altered course to the west to follow the Greenland ice belt. As a result, Holland lost the bold, head on, approach he sought, and was now obliged to approach from a much wider angle, greatly increasing the period during which Hood's weaknesses were exposed.
The rest, as they say, is history.
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What controversy? Prince of Wales, despite being far from being fully worked up, succeeded in damaging Bismarck sufficiently to force the abandonment of her commerce raiding mission.
A ship is, by the way, an inanimate object. How it performs depends entirely on the actions of the human beings controlling it. After the Bismarck had been sunk, Churchill did briefly suggest having Leach court-martialled for his actions, until being swiftly disabused of the notion by Tovey, who said that Leach (and, therefore, his ship) had acted correctly. In the event of any court-martial, Tovey said that he would attend as Prisoner's Friend. Churchill immediately dropped the idea.
Phillips' actions were intended to intercept a Japanese invasion convoy, perhaps destroying a Japanese cruiser squadron in the process. What alternatives would you suggest he could have pursued?
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@jessejamesroy0069 You appear to have a lot of 'would haves' in your comment. Firstly, Tirpitz did not become operational for another seven months, by which time the RN had another KGV in commission, and, if Bismarck was still above water, were unlikely to have sent PoW east. Rodney, in addition, would be back from her US refit.
How do you know that Tirpitz 'would have' fought off a Swordfish attack any more effectively than Bismarck did(n't)? Which submarines would come to Bismarck's aid? In may, 1941, there were only two anywhere near her. U-Boats generally were used against merchant shipping as part of a trade war.
'Innocent men?' They were the crew of a warship in wartime, on a mission to attack and destroy merchant shipping. 'Unfortunate' perhaps. Defeated ships in naval battles do tend to be sunk, and the crews suffer as a result. What else would you have had Tovey do? Give the Bismarck a stern talking to, and send her on her way with her tail between her legs?
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@SolTerran5050 No.The consolation was that Bismarck and Prinz Eugen were unable to break into the wider Atlantic, making them much more difficult to chase down, and ensuring that supply convoys were not threatened by them.
Hood, by the way, was an aging ship, which would have received a major reconstruction along the lines of Renown had war not commenced. There was a degree of affection for her, but her shortcomings were well known within the Navy. She was, however, one of only four capital ships available to Admiral Tovey with the speed to catch Bismarck, and, as there were two exit points into the Wider Atlantic, Tovey positioned two in each of them.
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Great News! My ancient historian mate has just been in touch. You have now reached 102 posts, and he has conceded the second bottle of wine.
I did suggest '150 for a case' on a double or quits basis, but he wouldn't rise to the bait, and insists that my 'poking a lunatic with a stick,' as he describes it, should cease at once.
Quite why you are unable to accept that only your opinion is the one that matters, and those of others are driven entirely by malice or prejudice, is a mystery to me. Illness perhaps?
Still, I wish you all the best for the future, and hope that you eventually recover from whatever condition it is that has assailed you.
I will not post again. Delude yourself however you wish about my reasons, even though I have made them plain enough.
I do hope that other people stumble upon this correspondence, as I am sure that they will find you immensely entertaining, if not enlightening!
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@TheDogGeneral First you complain because I reply, now you winge because I don't. By the way, perhaps you have forgotten, you brought up ABC and what you, in your wisdom, believed he would have thought. Out of interest, he was later to write that, at the Battle of Calabria, he used HMS Warspite 'as a battlecruiser.'
ABC evidently operated his assets on the basis of their capabilities, and was not hidebound, as you appear to be, by mere type names.
'And then me and other real historians like Drac and other reasonably minded individuals.' Discounting your own absurd self promotion, would this be the same Drachinifel with whom you previously claimed you disagreed because he had agreed with the identification of Hood as a prototype fast battleship?
Please note that I had ceased replying for the same reason that John Tovey ceased fire on 27 May, 1941.
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@TheDogGeneral The only time that Hood went into action at sea, she did so as a fast battleship, accompanying another fast battleship. Her armour was indeed obsolete by modern standards, hardly surprising since she was 20 years old, but she carried a heavier weight of broadside than Bismarck, and even in 1941 was capable of 28 - 29 knots, faster than the new KGVs.
Of course between the wars in exercises she was flagship of the battlecruiser squadron. Why would the Royal Navy hamstring a 30 knot fast battleship by attaching her to a battlefleet with a speed of 21 knots? Even the four Queen Elizabeths, capable of 24-5 knots, operated with the Battlecruiser fleet at Jutland. By your perplexing argument that would presumably have made them battlecruisers also, would it?
As I, and a whole host of others, have pointed out, how might a vessel with the armour, and armament, of a battleship, yet also possessing the speed of a battlecruiser, best be termed? As a fast battleship, perhaps?
Your irrational denial of reality, in the face of overwhelming disagreement with your opinion from all sides, would be amusing were it not so perplexing. Why does the term obsess you so? Hood was what she was, not what you insist upon trying to make her.
By the way, you still haven't said when you trod Hood's quarterdeck. Don't be so shy & retiring!
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@TheDogGeneral 'Siegfried brayer isn't an authority on a British battle cruiser built 6 years before he was born.' Really? Then following that bizarre logic, you must be even less of an authority, unless of course you were born earlier than 1926.
'I can respect that I can respect his own considerations but he doesn't wave his ego like you have on the Queue of a revisionism and says borderline psychotically Hood was a fast Battleship and if you disagree with me you are my enemy.' So, you can respect Dracs. considerations, but not mine, or those of the actual naval historians I have quoted. All of whom, in what passes for your mind, are ignorant, biased, or have agendas. Only you, it seems have ultimate knowledge of HMS Hood. You must find it onerous alone to carry such a great burden, especially when no-one agrees with you.
Oh, and by the way :-
' The basic concept of Hood's design began on 8 November, 1915 when the DNC was asked to prepare a new battleship design along the lines of an improved 'Queen Elizabeth.' To this end, Tennyson d'Eyncourt forwarded the following data : (detailed data list followed).
After some discussions, rwo more modified versions were adopted, when it was hoped that the best of both worlds would be highly advantageous in perhaps having a very fast battleship rather than a slow battleship and a fast battlecruiser.
Work commenced on HMS Hood in May, 1916, but as a result of experience at Jutland it was decided to modify the design to secure increased protection, it having been found possible substantially to improve this by accepting deeper draught and slightly reduced speed. (list of design modifications followed).
The revised design, which represented a merger of battleship and battlecruiser chacteristics, constituted what was then a unique combination of offensive power, protection, and speed. It also marked the final abandonment in the Royal Navy of the original battlecruiser concept, embodied in varying degrees in all the preceding classes, in which protection was sacrificed ro an extent which rendered them unfit to engage other capital ships. ( British Battleships, 1919 - 1939, R. A.Burt).
Let's see now. A ship with the offensive power and protection of a battleship, yet having the speed of a battlecruiser. Can you think of an alternative term for her? I can.
Please tell me what R.A. Burt's agenda is? I look forward to it.
By the way, you haven't yet said when you trod Hood's quarterdeck. I assume, from your disparaging remarks about others who didn't, that you must have done.
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@TheDogGeneral 'By early 1918, many people in the Admiralty had been querying the reasons for building the Hood as she did not appear to be a great improvement over the Queen Elizabeth battleship design. These queries were answered by the DNC, who stated that Hood had better protection to her sides & barbettes. Taking this further, he also stated that Hood had better deck protection (over the magazines at 30 degrees descent of shell. Hood had the equivalent of 12 inch thickness of decks), and she had complete underwater tybe protection over her vitals, which was entirely additional to the underwater protection of Queen Elizabeth.
As far back as March 16, 1917, it had been noted that, although the 'Admiral'' class were designated battlecruisers, they were as heavily armed and armoured as contemporary British battleships, but with higher speed. In fact, the ships would be more correctly labelled fast battleships.
It is sometimes very difficult to classify a warship with any precision. Perhaps the best manner in which to describe Hood would be as a hybrid battleship/battlecruiser, although this is a rather clumsy term.'
Maurice Northcott 'Hood - Design & Construction.'
Now, I expect you to tell me that Northcott, & Sir Eustace Tennyson d'Eyncourt, her designer, are not experts on HMS Hood. In fact, in your odd little world, anyone who does not accord with your obsession apparently knows nothing about her either. Are you truly the only person on earth who really knows anything about her?
'she was slower in 1940 then she was in 1920 would you still consider her a fast Battleship if she were doing 20 knots because of deficient machinery.' As Hood was capable of 28-29 knots in 1941, the question is a fatuous one. Moreover, had such a situation existed, then she would simply be an old battleship.
'There is no universally accepted Bible for Naval historians.' You will not find any naval historian who does not acknowledge Breyer as a primary source on the subject.
'As I said, Breyers is of no consequence to me as he was not an authority on her as her Builder's operators and crew certainly were. Did he ever set foot on the battle cruiser HMS Hood ?' I am impressed. When did you board and examine her? Did you meet Captain Kerr & Vice Admiral Holland, and explain their ignorance to them? Perhaps you might try to tell an Ancient Historian not to bother with Edward Gibbin either, as he never even met Diocletian?
You must be very old indeed!
By the way 'Around 1918, American commanders, including Vice Admiral William Sims, commander of US naval forces in Europe, and Admiral Henry T. Mayo, commander of the Atlantic Fleet, became extremely impressed by Hood, which they described as a "fast battleship.' They advocated that the US Navy develop a fast battleship of its own.' ( "High-Speed Thoroughbreds: The US Navy's Lexington Class Battle Cruiser Designs". Trent Hone, 2011.)
'Royal Navy documents of the period often describe any battleship with a maximum speed over 24 knots (44 km/h; 28 mph) as a battlecruiser, regardless of the amount of protective armour. For instance, the never-built G3 battlecruiser was classified as such, although it would have been more of a fast battleship than Hood.' Raven, Alan & Roberts, John (1976). British Battleships of World War Two: The Development and Technical History of the Royal Navy's Battleship and Battlecruisers from 1911 to 1946. Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press.
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@TheDogGeneral Brilliant! Siegfried Breyer, just like everyone else (except you) merely had 'incorrect opinions' and was a 'revisionist.' He died in 2010. Didn't you know that? Moreover, the work to which I referred is almost the Bible, where naval historians are concerned. Indeed, it seems that everyone (other, again, than you) is a revisionist.
I wonder if you have ever heard the old joke about the proud mother telling a friend about watching her soldier son marching through her town with his regiment. She said, 'It was very moving. The only thing wrong was that my son was the only one in step.' Perhaps she was thinking of you?
I don't think that you actually read my comments at all. Certainly you don't seem able to dispute them, except by chanting like a demented Minah Bird that' 'The Admiralty called her a battlecruiser. Therefore she must have been a Battlecruiser.' The Admiralty called Warrior a frigate. Did that mean that she really had only the capabilities of a frigate?
Are you, indeed, even capable of independent thought? You certainly didn't seem able to grasp my explanation of the Denmark Strait action.
'If she were a battleship she would have been referred to as such or modified into such from her original configuration that never occurred is that simple they are all.' How many times? The Admiralty class as designed were battlecruisers. Hood was heavily modified from the original design before construction, into something rather different. Are you really incapable of grasping that simple fact?
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@TheDogGeneral 'I have watched Drax video, and he puts out compelling facts and scenarios, but you see they are all subjective and based on his opinion.' I thought you wrote earlier that you had been in contact with him, and he confessed his error? Make your mind up.
You appear now to argue that any opinon which disagrees with yours must be 'subjective.' Only yours is the true one, and not subjective at all!
Actually I, and every other student of the subject, would agree that Hood was CALLED a battlecruiser. Where the vast majority of us would differ is in your refusal to accept that her capabilities when commissioned justified using the term 'fast battleship' for her them. I could quote from a few other authors who agree with Roberts (and, of course, with me) but doubtless you would reject them as 'revisionist' or their opinions as 'subjective.'
Here, however, is one such opinion for you to reject, as I know beyond doubt that you will :-
'After she was commissioned in the spring of 1920, she (Hood) was considered the largest warship in the world, and as the most perfect solution of the battleship problem of her age.' Siegfried Breyer, 'Battleships & Battlecruisers, 1905-1970.
Would you consider Breyer 'revisionist' or his opinions 'subjective' as well?
Put simply, she was something new in capital ship design, and the term for what she truly was had not yet come into general use. Must as the first recognisable battleship, as opposed to ship of the line, HMS Warrior, was described using a term (Armoured Steam Frigate) which totally denied the reality of her capabilities.
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@TheDogGeneral The fact that Hood was showing her age by 1941 isn't the point at issue. To refer you to the evolving design process which resulted in Hood changing for an 'Admiral' into something new, I refer you to John Roberts' book 'Battlecruisers'. of 1997 :-
'On 5 July, 1997, the DNC submitted two revised designs for the Admiral-class ships. The first was a modification of the previous design with slight increases to the deck, turret, barbette, and funnel uptake armour, one-inch protection for the 5.5-inch ammunition hatches and hoists, and the number of electrical generators increased from four to eight.
These changes increased the displacement by 1,250 long tons (1,270 t) and draught by 9 inches (228.6 mm). The second design drastically improved the protection and converted the ships into fast battleships. The vertical armour was generally increased by 50% and the deck protection was slightly thickened as in the first design. These changes would have added another 4,300 long tons (4,369 t) to the original design and increased the draught by 2 feet (0.6 m), but would have cost half a knot in speed.
This design would have been equal to the Queen Elizabeths, but 7 knots (13 km/h; 8.1 mph) faster and with much improved torpedo protection, although it was some 13,000 long tons (13,209 t) larger than the older ships. After the DNC submitted the above designs, he was asked to consider variations with triple fifteen-inch turrets, and these were submitted on 20 July. The Admiralty chose the fast battleship design, and Hood was laid down again on 1 September.'
I refer you to the last sentence of John Roberts' comments. The fact is, that Hood had evolved from a battlecruiser design, but emerged as something rather different.
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@TheDogGeneral You keep drooling on about the South Carolina class battleships. I have never mentioned them, but as tou ask, they were simply first generation dreadnoughts, built in response to HMS Dreadnought, but retaining reciprocating engines rather than Dreadnoughts turbines. Their relevance to the Alaskas (another type which seems to fascinate you) was precisely nil.
'But it was clear that was the future Hood should have been converted into an aircraft carrier just in the instance of the USS Lexington in the USS Saratoga retain her as her battle cruiser was a mistake a mistake.' Again, you demolish you claims that you are an historian. HMS Hood was completed and in commission before the Washington Naval Conference even first met. The resulting agreement restricting the numbers of Capital Ships for each sea power led to the US Navy having two choices, either to scrap the six incomplete Lexingtons or rebuild two as carriers. In the event, of course, they chose the latter option, and scrapped the hulls of the other four. The Royal Navy, faced with similar restrictions, followed a similar path, rebuilding the largely useless Glorious class large light cruisers and continuing the development of their half-sister Furious, all as carriers. Odd that you didn't seem to know that? Had you even heard of the Washington Naval Treaty?
You do seem rather fixated on terminology rather than reality. For example, when HMS Warrior & her sister HMS Black Prince were completed, they were without doubt the most powerful warships on earth, and remained so for ten years. Yet, they were officially termed 'Armoured Steam Frigates' which implied inferiority to traditional ships of the line, such as the French 90 gun steam ship of the line 'Napoleon' from the same period. This was, of course, manifestly not the case.
Would you serously, had there been conflict between Britain and France in, say, 1866, have happily have sent Napoleon into battle against Warrior simply because she was termed a ship of the line, whereas Warrior was merely a frigate? In short, names don't matter, but capability does.
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@TheDogGeneral I don't know why I bother, as you appear to be largely beyond reason, but I recall you claiming to have examined IWM documents about HMS Hood in 2014 or thereabouts. Please look up 'Royal Navy Ships' Covers.' You will find that they are kept in the National Archives at Kew, which actually opened in April, 2003. Aren't facts inconvenient, sometimes?
I don't intend to respond to your ravings about what constitutes a battlecruiser as compared to a fast battleship, but I will reply to this :-
'The corrected source of action if I were to go back in time would be to dispatch Prince of Wales Rodney and King George V with a fleet a squadron the fact that they called in a massive contingent task force after his destruction to sink the German battle wagon is proof enough that strategy was valid and viable.'
Isn't hindsight wonderful, especially in your case? Actually, there were two credible choke points which needed to be occupied by the Home Fleet to ensure that Lutjens' squadron did not reach the wider Atlantic. These were the Denmark Strait and the Iceland Faroes Gap. During Operation Berlin, Tovey had concentrated his fleet in the latter, but Scharnhorst & Gneisenau had used the Strait.
This time Tovey hedged his bets, He had four capital ships available to him with anything like the speed to catch Bismarck. These were, in order of capability, King George V, Hood, Prince of Wales, & Repulse. Rodney was already en route to the US for a refit at Boston Navy Yard, escorting a liner, Britannic. In any case, at 23 knots, she was too slow to keep up with Tovey's other ships.
Tovey chose to position in each location a force he deemed capable of dealing with Bismarck. His second & third most effective ships, Hood & the semi-worked up PoW, went to the Strait, whilst his best and weakest, KGV & Repulse, went to the Gap. There were also two heavy cruisers patrolling the Strait, and three light cruisers in the Gap.
At the time, no-one thought that these measures were flawed. The Admiralty agreed with Tovey that the measures he had taken were appropriate. By the way, they were, alhough not in the way anyone had expected. After the sinking of Hood, PoW inflicted enough damage on Bismarck to force Lutjens to abandon his mission and make for St. Nazaire. Thus, any threat to the convoys by German surface ships was averted.
The rest is history, of course. Now that Bismarck had been located, Tovey could use Force Concentration to bring her to battle, and her destruction was the result.
Normally, I am paid to educate people in this manner. You have been lucky, as you haven't even needed to buy one of my books. If you think Hood was not suitable for the task, then take the issue up with the spirit of John Tovey, who wouldn't have agreed, rather than continue to post rants to me.
By the way, the Maginot Line was not broken in 1940. The Germans went through the Ardennes instead. Surely an historian of your calibre knew that?
'Your denial of her status as a battle cruiser is affront to the man that served aboard her.' Why? Why would serving aboard a fast battleship rather than a true battlecruiser be considered affronting?
Please don't bother posting another rant, which I will probably not bother to read. Just check the facts I have presented above, as clearly you were not previously aware of them.
Oh, and you may wish to think about this comment by Paul Adam, Chief Analyst at Cassandra Defence Consulting Ltd (2015–present):-
'For the US the canonical example would be the Iowa-class, which had the same 9 x 16″ guns as previous battleships, the same thickness of armour, but five knots more speed (on a much larger displacement); for the UK, HMS Hood as completed had the same firepower and protection as the Queen Elizabeth-class battleships but, similarly, was a lot faster (but also 50% more displacement)
A different metric might be the percentage of the ship’s tonnage devoted to armour: for battlecruisers it tended to be 20–25%, for battleships it was 30–35%. (Hood was 33%, again keeping her as a ‘fast battleship’ rather than ‘battlecruiser’).'
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@TheDogGeneral I didn't make the first reference to the Alaskas, you did. Exactly how referring to them as relevant to HMS Hood is unclear, nor have you made it any more obvious. However, 'when they were operated mentioning any vessel over 25 knots was automatically considered a battle cruiser whether inherent traits were applicable or not serious notwithstanding.' Which is what happened to Hood, the first ever true fast battleship, but called a battlecruiser because of her speed.
'battlecruisers vanished by the time of the second world war there was no new battle cruiser constructed during World War II.' I am surprised that an historian is ignorant of the RN's Renowns, or the IJN's Kongos. By the way, only one battleship was laid down and partly constructed in WW2, HMS Vanguard. Others, such as the Iowas, the South Dakotas, the King George Vs, the Yamatos, the Littorios, and the Richelieus, were ordered and laid down before the war.
Moreover, the battlecruiser concept disappeared as a result of technological development, in that more efficient and lighter engines made it possible for large well armoured warships to steam at 27 knots and over. The battlecruiser concept simply evolved into the fast battleship.
I have explained the British fleet modernisation policy, and why it was suspended from September, 1939. I regret you find the idea difficult to understand.
'The British royal Navy have retained that designation for her and they never altered her in any significant way during her career.' Yes, they did. She was extensively re-designed after Jutland to enhance her armour, and the ship laid down in September 1916 was rather different from the original concept.
Hood 'was completely worn out from overuse showing the flag traveling the world demonstrating British Naval Supremacy and they knew it.' Again, for an historian, you seem to have gaps in your knowledge. Hood undertook one 'Showing the Flag' voyage only, as flagship of the Special Service Squadron in 1924, along with Repulse & a cruiser squadron.
'Hood was utilized throughout the Mediterranean the Atlantic the Pacific Australia I could go on she was present at Mears Al kabeer in France when the French Fleet refused to surrender she took down Pirates and other forms of Raiders as far north as Scandinavia and around the coasts of Africa.' Again, your knowledge is rather lacking. Certainly, Hood was a flagship for much of her career, but her only action other than the Denmark Strait was at Mers el Kebir (I am surprised that you couldn't spell it, by the way), because most of her career was spent in a world largely at peace.
Why do you think, by the way, she has only one Battle Honour, Bismarck 1941? I would like to hear about her hunting down pirates, however. Who was her captain? Horatio Hornblower or Jack Aubrey?
'This conversation would be much like your career if that's the case it's going to go nowhere.' You know precisely nothing about my career. Moreover, insults are a poor substitute for argument.
I had promised myself that I wouldn't reply, and from now onwards I certainly will not.
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@TheDogGeneral Which other fleet actions involved HMS Hood?
Of course Hood didn't feature AoN armour. Her design pre-dated the introduction of the concept into the Royal Navy.
I have been unable to identify a (living) Admiral Fairfax in RN records.
'HMS Hood should never have been sent after a brand new big gun Dreadnought Battleship that had Superior armor protection and much more modern building quality.' Your alternative being? Tovey had four capital ships capable of catching Bismarck. Two were sent to the Denmark Strait, and two to the Iceland-Faroes Gap. You do appreciate the pressure under which the RN was operating at the time, I hope? Should Bismarck and Prinz Eugen simply have been let out into the wider Atlantic unchallenged?
Of course Hood was showing her age. I have already explained the British fleet modernisation policy. The fact is that after September, 1939, a major asset like Hood could simply not be laid up for 18 months to 2 years.
The battlecruisers at Jutland were not blown up because their magazines were penetrated, but because David Beatty had placed rate of fire ahead of accuracy, and tacitly encouraged his captains to store cordite outside the magazines.
The British also referred to the proposed G3s as battlecruisers, despite their planned armour lay out. The fact is, the definition of a battlecruiser within the RN at the time was based on speed.
The Alaskas are not a relevant comparison, but simply red herrings.
'call her a fast Battleship does not give her any justice or credulity for her crew in the families of the men who died.' I met one of Hood's three survivors. I don't think any of our conversation offended, or was disrespectful, to him.
For what it is worth, I have a First in Modern History, and am a naval historian with several published articles and books. That doesn't make my opinion any more or less valid than that of anyone else, but it might suggest that I too are rather more knowledgeable than most people 'on this channel.'
This is going nowhere. I will not, therefore, respond further.
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@TheDogGeneral Bismarck was intended, with Tirpitz, to be the answer to the French Richelieus as part of the Franco-German between-the-wars naval race. The German belief (hope) was that Britain would be neutral. Once that optimistic idea was proven false, the German surface fleet became largely irrelevant, and Operation Rheinubung was a gesture of despair.
You are worrying about nomenclature. Hood had the armour of a battleship, the firepower of a battleship, and the speed of a battlecruiser. What is something that looks like a duck, quacks like a duck, and walks like a duck?
If you did speak to the Curator, what makes you think that was an authority on naval architecture?
I simply pointed out that Hood had battleship-level armour when compared to the most modern battleships in the RN at the time of her construction.
'Bismarck should have been utilized in Fleet coordinated action closer to the mainland of Continental Europe with other German warships to throw around.' Which other German ships? Tirpitz was incomplete, and both Scharnhorst & Gneisenau were damaged and in Brest.
If you really are an historian, who would you need to consult a Curator, whose knowledge would inevitably be superficial?
The writer doth protest too much, methinks.
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But Biasmarck was being used as a 'line of battle' ship when she was sunk. The Germans would, moreover, have found it difficult to form a 'line of battle' with only one operational battleship.
Hood was far more a fast battleship than a battlecruiser.After her redesign, her armour was on a par with that of the Queen Elizabeth class battleships. Her 12 inch belt was twice as strong as the belts of the newest conventional battlecruisers, the Renowns.
The British had been modernising their battlefleet, with Warspite, Queen Elizabeth, Valiant, & Renown having received full modernisation, but in the political climate of the time only felt able to withdraw two capital ships from service at any one time. Hood, as a newer ship, was likely to have been modernised after Malaya, Barham, & Repulse.
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USS Missouri only commissioned in June 1944, and is therefore irrelevant to any discussion of Bismarck, except perhaps as proof of how AA armaments of battleships had improved over three years of war.
The 'lucky' torpedo hit was achieved by a Fleet Air Arm which had trained for such a moment for years, and had already done it once before, in the Mediterranean. The more you train, the 'luckier' you get.
What have the Java Sea battles got to do with German gunnery skills? By the way, only one, RN (actually RAN) light cruiser was sunk there, and she didn't blow up.
If you choose to ignore what Ballard & Mearns have said about Bismarck, that the British sank her, then feel free. As I am sure the Admiralty of May 1941 would have told you, 'If so, it doesn't make her any less sunk.'
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@walterkronkitesleftshoe6684 Boney used to ask of a General 'but is he lucky?' and I suggest Holland was very unlucky indeed. After successfully, at least in ABC's view) acting as Vice Admiral CS18 at Spartivento, he was promoted to becoms second in command of the Home Fleet, but only joined Hood nine days before she sailed on 21 May. He would have had little time to judge the abilities of his subordinates, especially since his Flag Captain, Ralph Kerr, had himself only joined Hood in mid February.
Holland's battle plan at Denmark Strait was to have Hood and Prince of Wales engage Bismarck while Suffolk and Norfolk engaged Prinz Eugen (which, Holland assumed, still steamed behind Bismarck and not ahead of her). He signalled this to John Leach of Prince of Wales but did not radio Rear-Admiral Wake-Walker, Commander of CS1, directed Suffolk and Norfolk, for fear of disclosing his location. Instead, Holland hoped to meet the enemy at approximately 02:00. Sunset in this latitude was at 01:51 (ship's clocks were four hours ahead of local time. The intention was that Bismarck and Prinz Eugen would be silhouetted against the sun's afterglow while Hood and Prince of Wales could approach rapidly, unseen in the darkness, to a range close enough not to expose Hood's 3 inch decks to plunging fire from Bismarck. The Germans would not expect an attack from this quarter, giving the British the advantage of surprise.
The plan, essentially correct, The plan's depended on Suffolk maintainingunbroken contact with the German ships. However, Suffolk lost contact from 00:28. For 90 minutes, Holland neither sighted the German ships nor received any further news from Norfolk or Suffolk. Reluctantly, Holland ordered Hood and Prince of Wales to turn south-southwest but he detached his destroyers which continued searching to the north. However, the loss of contact should be understood as temporary and tactical only; and not strategic in terms of the tactical outcome.
Suffolk lost contact with the enemy force in what was essentially a closed, confined rectangular space; aligned generally northeast (the entrance to the Denmark Strait) to southwest (the exit of the Strait into the Atlantic). The enemy units were firmly constrained by the Greenland ice pack to the north, and the extensive Royal Navy minefield to the south along the coast of Iceland. Given the prior warning of the German sortie, there was ample time for the Royal Navy to place armed reconnaissance at both ends of this narrow alignment. Suffolk and Norfolk were at the eastern entrance to the Strait (where contact was made immediately upon Bismarck's entry). Holland was waiting at the western end as the Bismarck force exited the Strait.
The German force, still unaware of Holland's presence, altered course at 0141. Had this not happened, contact would have been made much earlier than it was.
However, Just before 03:00, Suffolk regained contact with Bismarck. Hood and Prince of Wales were 30 nm. away, slightly ahead of the Germans. Holland signalled to steer toward the Germans and increased speed to 28 kn. Suffolk's loss of contact had placed the British at a disadvantage. Instead of the swiftly closing head-on approach Holland had envisioned, he would have to converge at a wider angle, much more slowly. This would leave Hood vulnerable to Bismarck's plunging shells for a much longer period. The situation worsened further when, at 03:20, Suffolk reported that the Germans had made a further course alteration to the west, placing the German and British squadrons almost abeam of each other.
The rest, as they say, is history. Certainly, Churchill's later criticism of the angle of approach did not take account of the factors above, which were beyond Holland's control. I suggest that one error he made was not to have placed PoW, with her superior armour, in the lead. John Tovey later said the same, and commented that he almost signalled the suggestion, but felt at the time that he ought not to interfere in the plans of so senior a commander.
In short, just as Spruance & Fletcher were favoured by good fortune at Midway, so Holland was punished by ill-fortune in the Denmark Strait.
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@decimated550 Prinz Eugen's War Diary, which is readily available, claims one hit on Hood, around the area of the mainmast, which agrees with reports of survivors from Hood (Ted Briggs & Bob Tilburn) and those of observers in other British ships.
Briggs, whose action station was on the bridge, within feet of Captain Kerr and Admiral Holland, also recorded that there was a report of one hit only prior to the fatal explosion. This was the one on the boat deck, to which Holland replied 'Leave it until the ammunition is gone.' Moreover, the fire control position was atop a tripod mast immediately above Briggs' position. Do you not perhaps think that he would have noticed a 15 inch shell exploding in such close proximity?
The supposed hit in a 'room' forward is likewise, unsupported by any witness. Prinz Eugen's war diary didn't make any such claim, and neither Briggs, Tilburn, nor Dundas reported it in their evidence at the subsequent enquiry. Moreover, as they were the only survivors, as a simple matter of fact, how would anyone know?
Finally, sketches of Hood as she exploded, particularly the one by Captain Leach in Prince of Wales, as presented to the RN Courts of Inquiry, show Hood's fire control position to be intact. Look it up for yourself, it is available on the internet.
You have a choice. You can believe a single statement, perhaps added for dramatic effect, on the video, without the source being stated, or you can believe the evidence of eye-witnesses, British & German, of the event itself.
Entirely up to you.
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Firstly, what part of Nelson's maxim that 'only numbers can annihilate' is beyond your grasp? It you have plenty of naval assets, then you should use them. The United States' Navy did something similar, when they concentrated around 300 ships, including 34 carriers and 12 battleships, against a Japanese force of 67 ships, including 4 carriers, two hybrid carrier/battleships, and 7 battleships, at Leyte Gulf, and more or less annihilated it. What would you have done had you been the Americans? Sent around 230 of your ships away to be more sporting about things?
Secondly, would you care to list the 25 British capital ships involved in the action.
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What Navy? Bismarck did not commission until early 1941, and Scharnhorst & Gneisenau were being repaired following torpedo damage until November, 1940. Prinz Eugen did not become operational until May, 1941, whilst Graf Spee, Blucher, Karlsruhe, Konigsberg and ten of 22 destroyers had already been sunk, with a 'pocket battleship' and a further cruiser seriously damaged.
In fact, in September, 1940, the German surface fleet consisted, in terms of warships actually operational, of one heavy cruiser, three light cruisers, seven destroyers, a similar number of large torpedo boats, around a dozen S boats, and a small number of minesweepers.
By 'landing ships,' do you mean barges towed by tugs?
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@Drachinifel Thanks for the reply. I appreciate the point about the ranges of Piorun's 4.7s compared to her torpedoes, of course.
I had always understood that Piorun, although part of the escort of WS8B, had not been part of DF4, and had not previously worked with Vian's ships. Accordingly, I thought that she was operating independently, or at least semi-independently, during the action.
Of course, you are right, but it does occur to me that the actions of Plawski, whilst undoubtedly gallant, were perhaps a trifle quixotic? I wonder if, given several hours of darkness ahead of him, he might possibly have manoeuvred into a more favourable attack position? Still, I have never been keen on 'what ifs' and it is easy to make such comments from a comfy chair 80 years later!
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@TTTT-oc4eb None of it true? So, Bismarck didn't have twin guns in four turrets, or low angle 5.9 inch secondaries, or incremental rather than AoN armour, or internal communications that were destroyed at an early stage, as von Mullenheim-Rechberg stated. Or a lighter broadside than any British battleship in service? Which of this isn't true.
Actually, I have a First in Modern History, specialising in naval aspects of WW1 & WW2. I have written a number of books and articles on the subject. Put simply, Naval History is what I do.
However, feel free to challenge any of the above, mon vieux.
Or, at least, to try.
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@ricoh.3162 'there wasnt a Problem with unprotectet comm or Power cables but dead people cant answer.' Well, von Mullenheim-Rechberg thought that there was, and he was in the best position to know. Communications broke down at a very early stage.
The British 16 in never achieved the reliability of the 15 inch, which was classified by the US navy after WW2 as the best capital ship gun of the 20th Century, but it certainly did the job required of it. I refer you to the Bismarck action for further information.
As to North Cape, DoY hit Scharnhorst with her first salvo, and 31 of 52 broadsides were straddles. Again, when called upon, 'the worst guns of all modern WW2 Battleships' seem to have done everything required of them.
I'm sorry you seem to think that the use of Force Concentration by the British at North Cape was rather unsporting. Perhaps the British had not been informed that, in war, the laws of cricket or the rules of tennis did not apply.
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@williamtyson9503 Why bring up PoW's hits? Because they were the reason Lutjens abandoned his primary mission and made for St. Nazaire. Hood and PoW were in the Denmark Strait in order to prevent a German breakout into the wider Atlantic. Because of PoW's hits, that is what, actually, they did.
As there were two British and only one German capital ships present, it was inevitable that one of the RN Ships would not be under heavy fire at the start of the action. PoW, far from battle-ready, was only expected to play a supporting role, and Leach sensibly withdrew after his ship suffered a number of main gun failures, although he did briefly reengage later on the same day. The fact that Hood blew up could hardly be attributed to PoW.
I do agree, however, that my phrasing earlier was unfortunate, in that I probably should have written:- 'PoW inflicted more damage on Bismarck than vice versa during the course of the action.'
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There was a tradition in the Royal Navy that 'we fight the ship, not the men,' which was reflected in the tributes paid to the crews of beaten enemies. In particular, those by Tovey & Fraser in WW2, and Sturdee in WW1.
This was reflected in Spee's comment in Valparaiso after the Battle of Coronel. At a dinner given by the German business community, the toast 'Damnation to the British Navy,' was proposed. Spee refused it, and after the rest of the room had sat back down, quietly rose to his feet, raised his glass, and said 'I drink to the memory of a gallant & honourable foe.'
People like Raeder & Lutjens had been brought up in this tradition, and their principles permeated the German surface fleet.
Doenitz, a more committed nazi, was, however, rather different.
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Three days later, of course, on 27 May, 1941, the British did indeed celebrate. What the man or woman in the street, or even the average hack journalist, might have thought, is irrelevant, given the remarkable level of ignorance displayed, to this very day, by these people.
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