Youtube comments of Schwerpunkt (@wol.im.hiut.und.immer.wol.).
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The horse, examined as a mythical-religious symbol reveals a double face: heroic and "solar" on the one hand, funeral and chthonic on the other. In fact, the horse has an important role in shamanic techniques and in the myths connected with them – residues of both of which can be scoped within the Indo-Europeans – to the extent that we can speak of an ideology and a shamanic technique in the narrower meaning of the term: ascent to Heaven, descent to Hell to bring back the soul of the sick or accompany the dead.
The shamanic cult complex, basically "chthonic", presents rather "uranic" aspects such as the absence or relatively little importance of the female elements, the cult of fire, the forging of metals and therefore the manufacture of weapons. Indeed, metals and fire – therefore the weapons, which in a certain sense constitute the most typical product of the encounter of this with those – are, together with the horse, the melting point between the sphere of the sky and fire on the one hand , that of the bowels of the earth on the other.
It goes without saying that the myth of Orpheus comes to us from Thrace, and that in the Thracian religion the journey to the underworld is important, exemplified precisely by Orpheus himself in his psychagogic function, which not in all versions of the myth ends – as in the classical one – in a failure. Among other things, Orpheus has the role of animal handler through a magic-musical technique; and the Thracians, famous horse trainers throughout antiquity, gave space in their graves to wagons and horses. The Thracians are still responsible for procuring trance by means of burnt hemp: a mantic process, but probably also in relation to the "journey" into the afterlife. The custom of inhaling the smoke of hemp to obtain an ecstatic trance is witnessed as usual by the Scythians – who took over the Thracians and mixed with them in the Balkan-Danubian area – and certainly linked to the cultural complex of death and ultramundane survival. Herodotus left us a description of the Scythian funeral rites: when a king dies, the Scythians kill fifty of his servants and fifty of his most beautiful horses, and then by means of poles they plant the first on the second, leaving these knights to guard the royal tomb; when the deceased is not a king, when the funeral is over, they purify themselves by inebriating themselves with the exhalations of the hemp seed, which enhance them to the point of making them cry out bestially.
Medusa, beheaded by Perseus, has the equine head and winged body with some artists: she was born out of the wound the winged horse Pegasus, which is still called the fruit of her loves with Poseidon. Pegasus's relationship with Poseidon recalls that in the Hellenic myth the horse is connected with the element of water; in fact, the name of the winged animal derives from pegaí, "marine waters", and it is known that the marine deities are typologically similar to the chthonia.
Another famous horse, Arion, who belonged first to Hercules and then to Adrastus, was borned to Poseidon by another chthonic deity, Erinos, who according to a later tradition would also be the parent of the runners of the chariot of Mars; according to the Pseudo-Apollodorus, the horse was foaled by Demeter while she was "in the likeness of a Fury"; Pausanias reported that, according to Antimachus, the horse was the foal of Gaia, the Earth, herself. And it is still up to a third chthonic deity, the Podarga harpy, to have given birth to Balios and Xanthos, the immortal horses donated by the gods to Peleus and from these to Achilles, as well as to Harpagon and Phlogeus, which according to Stesychorus were offered from Hermes to the Dioscuri. To further prove the original chthonic-infernal character of the equine symbol, it would suffice to remember that the most ancient representations of Demeter are hypocephalic.
The Hellenic world was therefore familiar with this constant connection of the horse with the inferior deities; and even more familiar to it was this coexistence of higher divine and lower divine, uranic and chthonic. The horse became a symbol naturally linked to death or perhaps – with Pythagoreanism and Platonism – to a "superior" state, but in any case "different" from life: according to the Oneirokritiká of Artemidorus of Daldi, dreaming of a horse could presage death. Moreover, images of this type have remained familiar to European folklore, especially that of Central Europe.
In the Hibernian-Celtic sagas the horse is sometimes a demonic presence, linked to the aquatic forces no less than in the Hellenic area.
Saxo Grammaticus noted the existence among the Slavs of the Baltic of horses that lived at public expense at the sanctuaries so that the god would ride them overnight.
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I agree, the video exposes the ideology tout-court: the degree of application and success was mitigated, such as the mentioned degree of privatization for economic necessity. About the class struggle, for example, what need would have there been to emphasize the "bourgeoisie" if this was seen as an threat/anomaly within the system?
On the family it is also true, tradition could never be eliminated: not only the patriarchy didn't end but also the same religiosity is preserved privately in spite of the state efforts to atheistic conversion. Many other things went on behind the scene including prostitution, gambling, smuggling, etc.. The main thing that hopelessly escaped any ideology, was corruption in all sectors of Soviet society.
What strikes in the post-socialist world is the widespread anti-rich and anti-clerical prejudice, also probably due to the resistance to the transition towards neo-liberalism that has projected these communities into a world alien to and competitive with them and/or already ideologically demonized in previous times.
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🦅⚡Medieval chronicles, Modern histories and Contemporary studies - https://youtu.be/qFSpns7-UAU
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🦅⚡How to get the basic Medieval history fundamentals right - https://youtu.be/KsB_1pxcsc8
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🦅⚡Why War is the most important thing to learn for humanity - https://youtu.be/K8rE0SJuBRs
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🦅⚡Von Clausewitz says to believe in yourself - https://youtu.be/Eho_ZbACoOs
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🦅⚡How to objectively assess cultural values - https://youtu.be/dedf7ciool8
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🦅⚡PhD tales - How to search for a PhD topic - https://youtu.be/JG7aCyVGshE
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🦅⚡How to study a Medieval battle - https://youtu.be/Ac0U6aLatJ8
🦅⚡Cantor, the Longobards and the (un)reliability of scholarship - https://youtu.be/Oy4w8cs4yXA
🦅⚡Q&A n°27 - How do you do it? - https://youtu.be/2MU-V_UV22I
🦅⚡Debunking clichés on history: "it's useless/unproven/theoretical/boring/written by winners, etc." - https://youtu.be/iYvyKTlC67Y
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🦅⚡Q&A n°23 - How can our knowledge about Medieval Warfare be improved through arms & armor testing? - https://youtu.be/9b6XAgSCIk8
🦅⚡Preliminary considerations on "AI" and the close future of history - https://youtu.be/cKpvUJsH8n4
🦅⚡A historical tip or two - https://youtu.be/RBPn7R10YNg
🦅⚡Q&A n°24 - Cyclical/linear history, Medieval spies, Augustan religion and Islamic monotheism - https://youtu.be/jZM50-cpsTw
🦅⚡PhD tales - Motivation - https://youtu.be/m9W3FGKOjis
🦅⚡How do we know history is real? - https://youtu.be/w4BllzX-3c0
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🦅⚡What professors don't know - https://youtu.be/W4md-jjdHdg
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The Indo-European root is the same, the Latin word is independent from the Hellenic one. The Indo-European words div "sky", "day", "luminosity" and dī "to shine", "to shine", were at the origin of the Sanskrit terms divya "divine" and deva, "god", to which the Latin words divinus and deus as well as, through the variants dyu and dyaus (dyauṣ-pitṛivali was the "heavenly father"), the Latin Jupiter and the Greek Zeús correspond. In the aforementioned terms the vowel i [ī] is the verb "to go" and the semivowel v has the sense of "detach from", "diffuse", so div originally meant "the motion [i] of light [d] which spreads [v] "and dī was" the constant motion [i + i = ī] of light [d] ". Also in the Vedic word a-dyā, (lat. Ho-die) "day", the Indo-Europeans placed the symbol of light [d] to express the idea of "this [a- is not privative but pronominal basis] to go [yā ] of light [d] ".
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Hey, thanks to you for your question!
I believe that in order to acquire power at that stage of privatization and formation of autonomous dynasties in Eastern Frankia the most profitable option was to exploit the internal divisions of the system and to act as "certifying" authority of already existing de facto powers, working at the same time at the construction of a solid private asset. Hence the Ottonians did good for what they could.
The subject of centralization is however important, complex and opens up to broad questions of historical perspective. When I read the question I looked for what Benjamin Arnold (who is an extraordinary author on the institutional development of High Medieval Germany) wrote about and ,at p. 92 of "Medieval Germany 500-1300 - a political interpretation", I found this passage:
"It used to be thought that the Saxon kings, misled like their Salian and Staufen successors by the Carolingian example, somehow expended German assets in Italy which might better have been put to use in centralising their realm north of the Alps. But this seriously misundstands what could have been achieved with the resources at hand, which did not in any case include the mental picture of centralisation that appealed to theorists in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Once Otto the Great had settled Saxony, the duchies and the Magyar question to his satisfaction, then there was nothing to lose by acquiring the Lombard kingdom, the alliance of the Papacy, and the imperial title of Charlemagne and his successors. In other words Otto I, his son and grandson may have invested some expenditure of German resources, but it returned a great gain to their prestige and no diminution of their authority. In any case, the neo-Roman Empire sponsored from East Francia did not face the same levels of internal diversity and external pressure which accelerated the disintegration of the Carolingian Empire".
Other beautiful books by Arnold on High Medieval "Germany are Princes and Territories in Medieval Germany" and "Count and Bishop in Medieval Germany a study of regional power, 1100-1350".
If you are particularly interested in the Ottonians or the history of the Holy Roman Empire I have created two dedicated playlists:
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLsTzegJZgtyiBSQvtflW5BNPXH2WGkQj1
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLsTzegJZgtyiwKyJLIXFXHWN7F1MSx1OM
Even this video on the development on the feudal practices as a coagulating factor in the absence of more complex central structures can be useful.
https://youtu.be/qZrt52wui2U
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Desiderius, who ascended to the throne in 757 possibly due to his close ties with the Frankish king (the Frankish annals even mention his election by the will of Pepin), initially adopted a cautious political approach. He relinquished control of Ferrara, Gavello, Faenza, and Bagnacavallo to the pope but delayed indefinitely the handover of other territories demanded by Stephen II in Emilia and the Pentapolis. To counterbalance Frankish influence, Desiderius forged strategic alliances by marrying his daughter Adelperga to Benevento's Duke Arechis II and his daughter Liutperga to Bavaria's Duke Tassilo III. This move was aimed at establishing political connections within the Frankish Grossreich, which exerted pressure on the northern borders of the Longobard realm. Tassilo's desire for autonomy from the Franks made him a valuable ally for Desiderius.
After solidifying these crucial relationships, Desiderius eventually sought an alliance with the Franks, sealed through marriage: one of his daughters wedded the young Charles in 770. The fractured Frankish kingdom, divided between Charles and Carloman after Pepin's death in 768, worked in Desiderius' favor. The Longobard king favored Charles over Carloman, possibly due to the latter's territorial proximity to Italy. Carloman faced difficulties, and the negotiations, guided by Pepin's widow Berta, likely favored Charles. Desiderius' involvement in the marriage drastically altered the Frankish internal power dynamics, a development that was unforeseen earlier.
The death of Carloman in December 771 brought about a significant shift in alliances, as Charles repudiated his Longobard wife to secure the support of Swabia by marrying Hildegard. In response, Desiderius welcomed Carloman's widow, Gerberga, and her sons in Pavia, as they fled from Charles' aggressive bid to claim the entire Frankish political inheritance, sidelining his nephews.
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I'm glad you appreciate. As a starter I'd look at:
- M. Heinzelman, Bischofsherrschaft in Gallien. Zur Kontinuitat römischer Führungsgeschichten vom 4. bis zum 7. Jahrundert, München, Artemis, 1976
- C. Brühl, Palatium und Civitas, I: Gallien, Köln-Wien, Böhlau, 1975
- L. Pietri, La ville de Tours du IVe au VIe siècle, Roma, École française de Rome, 1983
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🦅⚡Celtic infantryman (IV-II century BC) - https://youtu.be/JcmQo2L6HMw
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🦅⚡Rise and fall of the Hellenic civilization: an Indo-European interpretation - https://youtu.be/Cw93r_kw_c4
🦅⚡On the quality of Roman leadership - https://youtu.be/ZC9luA4t0Z4
🦅⚡The rise and fall of the Vedic civilization: an Indo-European interpretation - https://youtu.be/xbhFkD1cghk
🦅⚡Italic warfare: Roman, Samnite, Lucanian and Apulian spears and javelins evolution (IV century BC) - https://youtu.be/BhHCuUuFfR0
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🦅⚡The Roman conquest of Italy (V-III century BC): land, debt and colonization - https://youtu.be/pWVT01kbn6E
🦅⚡On the foresight of Roman strategy: a foreword - https://youtu.be/tKZsoMDB5ww
🦅⚡The Indo-European Holy War: from Arjuna to the Templars - https://youtu.be/IRSR1JAZgWs
🦅⚡Hellenic unarmoured hoplite (IV-II century BC) - https://youtu.be/pzb4EqGwOmM
🦅⚡On the moral superiority of Roman civilization: an Indo-European interpretation - https://youtu.be/Ft-6TRrikyA
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🦅⚡Roma Victrix: the forgotten reason of Capitoline military superiority - https://youtu.be/nSQAoKjgKtI
🦅⚡Hellenic hoplite (IV-II century BC) - https://youtu.be/O0mQBKPQIHY
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🦅⚡The Scordisci: history of a Celtic people - https://youtu.be/EyldnUaQx4g
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🦅⚡Roman cohort tactics (I century BC) - https://youtu.be/ZgsPo12hdMg
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🦅⚡Late Republican Roman legionary: a conceptual history - https://youtu.be/nsrq_hpsmiA
🦅⚡Roman cohort organization (I century BC) - https://youtu.be/429PhZORw0c
🦅⚡Early Imperial Roman marines (milites classiarii) - https://youtu.be/kjld_-8k5lM
🦅⚡Augustan Empire: a privileged order worth dying a true Roman - https://youtu.be/crWQF0I26Gw
🦅⚡Manipular legion vs Macedonian phalanx: the core of the matter - https://youtu.be/gFH-yOhLINc
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Спасибо! Извините за резкость, но я увидел, что мой первый комментарий исчез, и я подумал, что его удалили. Я понимаю, почему вы увлечены этой исторической темой. Я уверен, что вы можете создать хорошее видео по истории сарматов самостоятельно: если вам действительно небезразличны мои видео, вы можете создать плейлист на своем канале, куда вы можете добавлять мои видео и смешивать их с другими вашими видео: так что чтобы люди смотрели оба наших исходных контента в одном плейлисте. Для любой другой информации я всегда доступен, и спасибо, что поддерживаете контакт. Хорошего дня
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What a beautiful reading and, especially, what a beautiful question! I'll try to make the answer simple, but it's challenging.
With the crisis of the Empire in the early centuries of the Middle Ages, the Italic-Byzantine society grew decentralized and relatively homogeneous to the Longobard one, especially in the countryside (the Longobards, except for Rome, in the second half of the VIII came to reign practically all over the Italian peninsula): the Byzantine influence remains stronger on the great coastal cities of southern Italy, which however also soon gained great political autonomy and a republican character: Amalfi, the first powerful Italian maritime republic, was Southern, and so Gaeta, Naples, Bari, etc. Therefore in Southern Italy urban autonomy, commercial development and the Roman infrastructural base were well started earlier than the cities of the Po Valley, which since ancient times were less developed and still relatively disconnected from Mediterranean traffics.
The Southern Italian Apennine hinterland was largely Longobard too: here Germanic law was in force (and it remained in the juridical practice of the Kingdom of Sicily up to the Contemporary Age), and the local aristocracies managed to defend their autonomy by exploiting on their frontier position between the Carolingian Empire and the Byzantine Empire.
Islamic Sicily, despite the political-institutional influences of the Caliphates of Cordoba and Baghdad and the growth of Palermo a leading center, remained a little-centralized land because of the parcelization that the Arabs had made of large Byzantine estates, which therefore had formed a myriad of small, weak but very autonomous seigniories in the countryside.
This all changed with the Normans: paradoxically it is only at this moment that the Arab and Byzantine administrative forms truly find their full expression, being attached to a robust feudal apparatus like the Norman one. In Sicily the he Normans had had an easier game because they had not met the opposition of strong aristocracies, while for centuries the peninsular territories were harshly opposed to the "Sicilian" domination, with continuous rebellions and the recognition from the Hautevilles of local privileges that were only very progressively dampened from the expansion of baronial rule (and on which the Normans themselves at time played to counterbalance the power of their great feudal lords).
In historical perspective this made the kingdom of Sicily the most advanced state of the High Medieval West, and it is only from the Angevins onwards that that it gradually began to decline through the uncontrolled spread of baronial power, being its policy subordinated to that of decentralizing external powers and not of a local center as with the Normans and the Swabians: a decline that could have been reversed at least until the XVIII century, when the kingdom of Sicily was still one of the most advanced states in Europe thanks to the Norman-Swabian achievements.
In Northern Italy the Longobards founded their kingdom on a solid urban base: here, unlike Gaul and Spain, the large estates had in fact been destroyed during the Gothic war, and no strong private clienteles could compete with public authority: this allowed the Longobards, among the other things, to mantain a functional elective monarchy which emphasized their fiercely egalitarian character of Germanic tradition (which in that people was already particularly marked compared to the other Germans): the municipal pride of the northern Italian cities however already existed in Late-Ancient Roman society and continued to develop under the Longobard rule through the recruitment of educated and juridically skilled personnel (in any case since the end of the VII century at the latest it no longer even makes sense to differentiate the Lombards from the Italic population, given the demographic dynamics).
For its civil development the kingdom of Italy maintained a greater prestige than the others in the Carolingian Empire and much of the Longobard administrative forms and legal practice kept developing into its cities well up to the Communal Age (the Edictum Rothari gave impulse, among other things, to the recovery of Roman law and the birth of universities). Naturally also in Italy the Franks carried out, their social engineering, concentrating enormous wealth in the hands of very few and aggravating the condition of the freemen: yet their authority was soon eclipsed, and the feudal culture developed in parallel with the urban one. Without a strong control over these dynamics (ie the abortion of an Italian monarchy in the post-Carolingian period), the cities had eventually the best, with the progressive urbanization of feudal elites and the material capacity to oppose politically and militarily to the centralist movements from part of the Germanic emperors.
In ultimate analysis the urban development of Southern Italy was cut short in the bud from Norman feudalism, while in Central and Northern Italy the absence of a strong central power and the development of trade between the Mediterranean and continental Europe allowed the consolidation of independent republics.
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You're welcome, thanks to you for the appreciation.
There are countless primary sources in both Latin and vernacular but, for a general reading, one can approach the period through the chronicles of the Villani brothers (prominent sources also for the battles of the Hundred Years Wars), which are famous and readily available in translation.
Historiographically, although dated, the evergreen is Mallett's "Mercenaries and their Masters". There are several works in Italian but I don't think they are published: you could check Pieri for an introduction to military art and 14th-15th century Italian politics and society. I too will publish something in English sooner or later, especially on Italian late Communal armies and German mercenaries.
Hopefully, however, I'll cover everything in detail on Schwerpunkt along the way. Updates in this playlist, if you haven't checked it out yet:
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLsTzegJZgtyhJ8N_9KzP3_cvpvFTBN9Vo
Enjoy
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Hey there, thanks for the interest, it means a lot. Yes, I'm a Medievalist and military historian.
My master's thesis was on Habsburg history of the XIII century, and yes, I think I'll talk about it in the future, but I won't venture into Modern history soon.
On Medieval Germany I really like the books by Benjamin Arnold, who deals with the evolution of the Holy Empire under a political-institutional profile. Then you can read P. H. Wilson, Heart of Europe A History of the Holy Roman Empire and J. Whaley, Germany and the Holy Roman Empire.
For a bibliography on the Justinian age Ostrogorsky remains useful. Georges Tate's Justinian deserves particularly, then J. A. Evans, The Emperor Justinian and the Byzantine Empire is fine too.
Yes, I created a Patreon account but I still have to activate the card.
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Regesta diplomatica nec non epistolaria Bohemiae et Moraviae, II, Annorum 1253-1310, ed. J. Emler, Praha 1890, p. 144, 1106: «O(ttacarus), rex. Boh. Auxilium exposcit a ducibus Poloniae. – Requirentes racionis circumspecte scrutinio gentium genera diversarum invenimus, quod nobis magis est conformis spaciose Polonie nacio et inter universas orbis provincias nostris, quas auctore deo gubernamus, regionibus eadem cuiusdam proprietate similitudinis magis eciam est affinis; ipsa enim in lingue consonancia nobis convenit: ipsa proxima loci contiguitate, nullius interiecta distancie spacio, terris nostris coniungitur: ipsa et unione glutinatur sanguinis, et affinitatis nobis connectitur vinculo, et demum inter ipsam nostramque serenitatem reperitur conformitatis conparitas, ut suos alumpnos et eos ex eiusdem vena profluxisse scaturiginis glorietur. Ob istius itaque consideracionis aspectum, veris utique racionibus veroque promissionis tramite procedentem, in llius transimus disposicionibus habitum, et ad hoc naturalibus inducimur suasionibus, ut magnificos. Polonie principes, barones, milites, et populos universos, quos sue amplitudinis sinu complectitur atque fovet, striccioris dileccionis prosequamur benivolencia, ipsorum gaudeamus in prosperis et turbemur adversis, ipsi cupiamus esse presidio, suique honoris et glorie continuum zelemus augmentum. Ex hac eciam consideracione magna nobis emergit fiducia et consurgit ac provenit spes infracta, ut nos in necessitatis articulo requirere debeamus intrepide, nobis quod letanter curetis suvenciones et auxilia exhibere. Unde cum dominus Rufolfus, rex Romanorum, non contentus quod abstulit terras nostras, feruens adhuc malignandi cupidine, offendendi nos amplius siti estuet pociori, cumque nos ad resistendum sibi viriliter desidiosum hucusque nunc ereximus animu, velimusque suis occurrere potencia nostre manus obice contumeliosis insultibus et pressuris, dileccionem vestram attencius duximus exorandam, quatenus nobis in auxilium venire dignemini cum strenua, sicut vestram decet excellenciam, armatorum militum comitiva, ita quod in tali die sitis in tali loco constitutus, ubi per solemnes nuncios nostros, vos et vestros decenter faciemus recipi eo tempore, et honorifice conduci ad nostre presenciam maiestatis. Sed ad huius quidem nobis impendendum subsidium non solum prefata vos debet inducere racio, verum eciam cause alterius efficax argumentum, quia si, quod absit, nos contingeret prefati regis oppressione pessundari, insaciabiles theutonicorum hiatus se liberius expanderent, et manus improbas facilius usque in ipsam provinciam extenderent ipsorum noxj appetitus; sumus enim vobis et terris vestris quasi firmum secure tuicionis preurbium, quod si forte ante sevientis indignacionis faciem non posset, quod deus avertat, resistere, intelligere potestis, vobis et vestris subditis magna tunc pericula imminere, quia procax habendi fames contenta non esset nos tantum sibi subicere, sed bona vestra diriperet et in vos insuper intollerabilibus angustiarum gravaminibus inseviret. O quantis afflicionibus exosa theutonicis vestre tunc opprimeretur nacionis numerositas, o quam dire servitutis iugo libera submitteretur Polonia, o quanta sub clade fatisceret tunc universitas vestre gentis, certe in promptu satis est advertere, magisque vos potestis preconicere, quam deceat nos referre. Quapropter intendite in adiutorium nostrum, intendite et ad propulsandum longius distantis adhuc flamme incendium opem et operam efficaciter exhibete, attendentes consulcius fore obstare principijs, quam postquam ignis vorago nimis invaluerit resistenciam non timentis, et quod is, qui vicinam domum, ne comburatur, defenderit, tuetur propriam mansionem. Ad hec nuper nostra serenitas intellexit, quod dictus rex Rudolfus suis suasorijs legacionibus vos non solum a nostra quesierit amicicia, ab inpensione iuvaminis removere, verum eciam inter nos dissidentis zyzanie lolium seminare. Qua de causa cum, si bene velitis attendere, hoc vobis ad honorem non accederet, sed pocius ad iacturam, affectuose deposcimus, quatenus ipsius suggestionibus aures nolitis patulas adhibere, quin ymo nostrum qui de vestre sumus gentis genere, in auxilium accingamini hilariter ac potenter; deliberacione advertentes provida, quod si vestrum iuveritis, vos iuvatis, et utique nobis prebebitis auxiliaris dextere subisidium, nos adversus adversarios vestros nostrarum exponemus potenciam virium, et vobis potencialiter assistemus, sive iidem adverarij vestri christiani fuerint vel pagani».
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Hello Mr. Sparacio,
first of all, thank you very much for your appreciation, it's a strong incentive for me to do more and better on the channel.
Relatively to your question, it's wholly plausible that you can have French Angevin/Norman ancestry through your Sicilian origins.
Given the historical dynamics it is more probable that your French ancestors arrived in Sicily through the Norman invasion than with the Angevins, who in Sicily ruled briefly and did not substantially alter the genetic pool: the Norman settlement was longer, continued over time and had a significant demographic impact on the island.
The origins can be however among the most disparate: many French have crossed Sicily during the Crusades, as also, during the Low Middle Ages, there were Lombard settlements in the heart of Sicily that could have brought elements of Frankish ancestry, but as you understand we are in the realm of speculation.
I hope it helps
Sincerely
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Desiderius, who ascended to the throne in 757 possibly due to his close ties with the Frankish king (the Frankish annals even mention his election by the will of Pepin), initially adopted a cautious political approach. He relinquished control of Ferrara, Gavello, Faenza, and Bagnacavallo to the pope but delayed indefinitely the handover of other territories demanded by Stephen II in Emilia and the Pentapolis. To counterbalance Frankish influence, Desiderius forged strategic alliances by marrying his daughter Adelperga to Benevento's Duke Arechis II and his daughter Liutperga to Bavaria's Duke Tassilo III. This move was aimed at establishing political connections within the Frankish Grossreich, which exerted pressure on the northern borders of the Longobard realm. Tassilo's desire for autonomy from the Franks made him a valuable ally for Desiderius.
After solidifying these crucial relationships, Desiderius eventually sought an alliance with the Franks, sealed through marriage: one of his daughters wedded the young Charles in 770. The fractured Frankish kingdom, divided between Charles and Carloman after Pepin's death in 768, worked in Desiderius' favor. The Longobard king favored Charles over Carloman, possibly due to the latter's territorial proximity to Italy. Carloman faced difficulties, and the negotiations, guided by Pepin's widow Berta, likely favored Charles. Desiderius' involvement in the marriage drastically altered the Frankish internal power dynamics, a development that was unforeseen earlier.
The death of Carloman in December 771 brought about a significant shift in alliances, as Charles repudiated his Longobard wife to secure the support of Swabia by marrying Hildegard. In response, Desiderius welcomed Carloman's widow, Gerberga, and her sons in Pavia, as they fled from Charles' aggressive bid to claim the entire Frankish political inheritance, sidelining his nephews.
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You're welcome, I'm glad you appreciate. Yes, in short, political cohesion as the basis of military strength.
A coincidence of social, political, geographical and economic factors had reinvigorated the economy of some territories and at the same time developed in the populations who lived there feelings of independence and national belonging, thus giving them both the means to fight and a reason to do so. We are talking about the 14th century, because in the 15th the infantry growth lost its spontaneous and popular character and it is framed by the great princely powers in professional military systems.
As regards Flanders or Switzerland, in the 14th century the sense of belonging to a community had grown to the point of taking on the characteristics of an embryonic concept of nationality widespread in large sections of the population, including nobility. The nobles of these regions ceased to make caste apart, but began to share the same ideals as the lower classes, providing them with the services of their own military education, which the bourgeois and the peasants completely lacked.
The decline of the Empire, France and the Papacy at the beginning of the 14th century played a role in the "secularization" of thought, especially as regards the autonomy of local powers (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sQTNz1fn27w&t=1s). The contempt of the nobility towards the lower classes however remains (the 14th century witnesses the mass repression of the peasantry, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1ow4HhzfaAs), so their interest was aimed at consolidating their own power.
Humanism is an elitist movement and, in its Italian cradle, which had pioneered the developments of both republican regimes and the European infantry, the ruling classes consistently maintained both cavalry and infantry, with an important decline of the latter: a phenomenon that reflects the ennobling of the patricians and gentrification of the military nobility in the face of the decline of popular infantry and the mass of wage workers after the crisis of the 14th century.
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I am deeply flattered that you continue to follow my channel! It’s a great honor knowing your profession but also and especially because you’re a true Middle Ages’ lover. Objectively, one can not remain insensitive to the charm and myth of the Hohenstaufen. I could speak endlessly about the Swabians but time only obliges me to respond to a kind person who shows interest in my (very) modest thoughts.
The relationship between the Papacy and the Empire and the struggle between the Guelphs and Ghibellines is undoubtedly a complex and complicated subject, not easy to approach even by a specialist. From my point of view the key to understanding this chapter of history is to try to understand (and accept) the ambiguities and contradictions that the two powers and parts expressed, which certainly is not easy for our modern secular mentality.
Dante, like all geniuses, represents the very apex of these ambiguities and controversies, which are naturally augmented by the political context, for which I am very much in agreement with your explanation. It is no coincidence that Foscolo called Dante the "Ghibelline": the White Guelphs were a reasonably moderate party in the face of the excessive power of the Papal-Angevin block, which had practically hegemonized Italy at the time: their moderation translated itself ideologically into that of the canonical division of spiritual and temporal power, even though in political practice it served mainly to counter the heavy papal interference in the political life of the city. The rise of Florence had been caused by the profits that the city bankers had obtained from the Sicilian crusade of Charles of Anjou and, for Dante, the Florentine Ghibelline leader Farinata degli Uberti, although recognized for his great individual value, is still an enemy to be sent to hell (curiously, always for heresy as Frederick II, an all-papal stereotype towards the political enemies, in spite most of them, including Farinata, were actually from what we know historically quite pious men). The point is that an equally heavy Imperial influence in Florence would have displeased Dante himself: however that's exactly that Imperial influence which was lacking at the time and indeed its revival was seen as the only hope of diminishing the Angevin one (encumbering for the popes themselves at a point). Consider that throughout Communal Italy the exiled Whites allied without problems with the Ghibellines, fighting against the Black (i.e. pro-Angevin) regimes… and even the Blacks came to remove the Angevins at some point: too many factors to identify a single ideological dichotom, especially in a time in which both the Empire and the Angevins (including the popes of Avignon), were in crisis and irreparably loosening their grip on Italy.
In this perspective the proximity of such a refined man of letters as Dante and a great Ghibelline lord and patron like Cangrande is not surprising, at least no more than the one of Petrarch with the courts he so despised in his writings. The permanence of Alighieri in Verona under the wing of the Imperial vicar of Italy was undoubtedly a good opportunity for the poet who had so much hope in Henry VII of Luxembourg, who, beyond the overall failure stigmatized by Dante, had really managed to restore a strong Ghibelline block in northern Italy led by the Visconti and the Della Scala, after decades of Guelf dominance.
So how to reconcile Dante's Ghibellinism with the condemnation of Frederick II? Even in here is a lot of formality and ambiguity, but in a very subtle way. First of all, Frederick had failed as a universal emperor, and this is a very heavy point: Dante performs in the Divine Comedy a spiritual path whose purification can not fail to take into account the attempt of Frederick to have made of his court a counterpart to the Church almost as a new Messiah, drawing from himself the law as Moses himself; Dante could admire man, the universal monarch and his knightly virtues, but not his ultimate destinty. And this means a lot for an extraordinarily cultured person like Dante, who in other works praises Federick's intellectual abilities epitomizing the Swabian as the symbol of human reason (he also thinks, in parallel, of the fate of Ulysses in Hell, condemned for his intellectual independence). In the universalistic and already anachronistic vision of the Comedy, Frederick’s confidence in earthly virtues must not and in any case cannot overcome divine justice..
It is worth noting however how in Purgatory the figure of Manfred redeems the glory of the Swabians powerfully both in the earthly and celestial world: music, poetry and science are evidence of the nobility of the Hohenstaufen, whose heir, though also condemned as a heretic and defeated and killed by the Crusaders, will finally earn heaven and whose kingly figure (symbolized by the tomb) is superior to that of the Angevin and Aragonese rulers. All this is very significant because Manfred, like other characters of the Comedy that are placed or destined in Paradise (as the radical Aristotelian Sigier of Brabant, ultra-condemned by the Church), are actually strongly etherodox when not even heretical, that Dante however chooses to save: it's in the comparison of these figures with the highest earthly authority that we understand how strong was the need to punish Frederick II as a universal emperor to reconfirm the unattainable perfection of earthly power before God: divine justice always surpasses the human one.
More briefly, the problem of the Church was objectively the impossibility to renounce the prerogatives laboriously earned by the struggle for investitures: if good invariably exists with evil in earthly affairs, any temporal power, ecclesiastical or secular, is not immune from sin: in this sense the intentions of Frederick were irreconcilable with those of the Church of Rome and vice versa, since every earthly power tends invariably to prevaricate the other. The popes won, and also on this we must reflect to understand medieval Europe beyond universalism.
I hope it has been helpful, have a good day!
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First of all, thank you very much for your interest and appreciation, it means really a lot.
I am also particularly pleased about the considerations on the content's variety: as you have noted, I have a soft spot for the Holy Roman Empire and, more generally, historical topics that unjustifiably escape the horizons of today's popular culture, which is exactly why I started talking about them.
Regarding the criticism, straightforwardness does not do but good: the two points you have highlighted are self-evidently the major problems I'm facing. I won't not repeat myself now as on other comments, but when I will arrive (in a few days) to 200 videos, I will generally resume these considerations and give a broader response which I think I owe to my audience.
Let's say, however, that in general mine is a bet: I can not dedicate myself to sophisticated graphic montages chiefly for reasons of time, and I concentrate everything on the contents (even here, as far as possible). I do not know how long it will pay over the long term, but I want to find out.
However thank you again very much and I hope my videos will continue to interest you! Have a good time
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Hello there. Thank you very much for the bibliographic advice. I'm not sure I already have this book but I have never read it in any case. From the nature of the text I also understand the reason for the suggestion and I appreciate it even more.
I also thank you for the comment because it gives me the opportunity to note, for anyone who hears that first part and has doubts, that is only a "side" of my philosophy of history (if I can ever speak in these terms for my rather scanty considerations). In general I think it is very important to judge history in moral terms, but for its historical purposes proper: that is, to understand, like a judiciary could do, about who's responsible, for example, for a senseless slaughter of civilians.
So me considerations are aimed more at reflecting on the basic attitude that largely exist in the approach to history in popular culture, in a very transversal way in terms of political orientation, which prefers moral judgments without knowing the facts.
That said, I thank you again for the comment and I wish you a happy 2019!
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Hello. Thank you very much for the compliments, they are very heartfelt. I'm not an expert on most of the topics I talk about, however I try to do my best to expand the public's historical awareness.
With regard to Bulgaria, it is precisely what I thought, as well for other times and spaces that are largely ignored for unjustifiable historiographical reasons.
Now I do not remember specifically what I said about Bulgarian history (I may have said unintentionally incorrect things), but I am reminded of the fact that in the Bulgarian monastic libraries are present many texts that, for different issues of distance, accessibility and language, still need to be studied and would add a remarkable lot to the already rich and important history of Bulgaria, especially about the Late Middle Ages.
I hope to soon make a nice video of Medieval Bulgarian history, which actually lacks within the substantial amount of videos I've already made.
I thank you again and I wish you a great time!
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I see you're well into the period! Yes, definitely the Western Slavs were among the most stable groups. I very much agree with your line of thought: surely the Slavs began to build fortified centers as soon as they arrived in those areas as well as they certainly exploited previous settlements. Also the progressive emancipation from the Avars was certainly played an important factor and, combined with the general economic recovery of the VIII century, it makes the emergence of fortified centers in the area seem rather logical. Fredegar's testimony is very fascinating: the Slavs had indeed a reputation as heroic and fanatical defenders, which can be interpreted as deriving from the continuous warfare with the steppe's peoples, against which Slavic fortifications had to have more than proven effectiveness over time.
Also on the second part you find me very much in agreement. As far as I know the Slavs actually emerged from the world of the "forest", which is different from that of the "steppe" (in Slavic mythology this is quite evident): in their origins, as well as for the Germans of the wooded regions, their cavalry was not very developed. I find it very interesting, however, how the Slavs learned early to ride, and in this also the relationship with the Avars must not have been without important consequences, as it had been for the Germans under the Huns. All the Slavs in later times developed good and numerous cavalry, (I mention this in the video on the Polish tactics of the XI-XIII century), and also their material culture shows a "chivalric" culture from an early age: relatively to this last point also the contacts with the Carolingians and the Ottonians played an important role, a bit like for the Danes and other populations bordering the Frankish empire.
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Hey. Thanks for pointing this out, because it is a concept that I often express and that can be legitimately criticized.
Let's say that the concept of semi-nomadism does not strictly imply large-scale migrations but rather the environmental sustainability of permanent settlements. Even scattered housing and cyclical movement at short range and for a few weeks during the year, fits into the definition. Semantically the extremes of semi-nomadism can overlap with the ones of sedentarism and nomadism.
More or less the limits of the semi-nomadic world in Europe remained for a long time the ones of the Roman Empire: where a fully sedentary society was sustainable, the Romans had stopped and built, while "outside" mobility had remained a matter of survival. It is a technical problem related to the availability of materials necessary to preserve large stocks of food that can support larger settlements than just villages: a completely different reality from that of Western and Southern Europe.
For instance, also certain Celtic and Germanic tribes did not migrate for centuries, but on a local basis they were still unstable tribal formations in constant balance with each other and able to migrate should the case arise. There is a debate on the originary sedentaryism/semi-nomadism of the Slavs, much of which has unfortunately to do also with ideological reasons. At least during the whole Migration Era, to me the Slavs had all the characteristics of semi-nomadic peoples.
Later, especially for the Western Slavs during the period that I describe in the video, this is certainly debatable: about this point I have to say that I'm objectively biased, because I tend to emphasize the difference between the Carolingian settlement models and those of the peoples of Central-Eastern Europe. The Franks carried out a real social engineering by exporting full-sedentary and central settlement models that were previously unknown to those tribal populations and which which implied the literal transformation of the local environment.
The settlement stability of the Slavs after the VI-VII century was in my opinion a contingent fact linked to the vacuums left after the Era of Migrations, which allowed these populations to develop in very large and relatively undisturbed basins, managing even to absorb demographically the repeated settlements of the nomadic peoples of the steppe. There is however also to consider that, especially among the Eastern Slavs, the nomadic influence was so strong at the point that some of them even became nomads (see the Cossacks). In the West and in the South the full sedentarization took root earlier.
With respect to this last point, I also like very much, as a military historian, to underline how the military culture of the Migration Era remained alive for much longer among the Slavs than other Western populations. A question of political and social models and of contact with the peoples of the steppe, but still structural and linked to the lower economic development of Eastern Europe, which therefore made society more dynamic and "mobile", both in material culture and mindset. It is no coincidence that the Slavs of the Migration Era, for example, were substantially going by foot, while they later developed large bodies of cavalry in their armies.
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From Romagna, the factional struggles extended to the Marche, where Ghibellines and Guelphs establish, at the regional level, coordination structures that crystallize the opposition between the two factions, hinder any form of reconciliation, and represent a serious factor of internal instability for the individual cities. The reflections of this situation on the professionalization of local troops in a mercenary sense are evident: in the first decades of the 14th century, when the Marche and nearby regions are the scene of countless conflicts between Guelphs and Ghibellines, the troops recruited by the Montefeltro and the most important lords of the region, such as the Ubaldini, Chiavelli, the Guidi of Modigliano and Petralla, the Atti of Sassoferrato, the Counts of Pignano, etc., increasingly take on the appearance of extremely mobile professional bands, more suited for profitable raids than for actual battles; in short, these troops adopt a lifestyle similar to that of foreign mercenaries who are already serving Milan, Venice, and Florence; to fully adopt the characteristics of true professional militias, they only need to serve these major powers, which occurs in the years 1330-1340. On both sides of the Apennines, but especially in the mountainous area located at the border between the Marche, Umbria, and Tuscany, there is hardly a family in which at least one of the sons does not choose to take up the profession of arms and does not find a way to enlist as a foot soldier, knight, or miles at the head of a group of lancers. The qualification and military capabilities of each depend, of course, on the level that their family occupies in the social hierarchy but also on their military experience: even a Montefeltro must have proven himself at the head of a contingent of knights before being recognized as capable of commanding a troop of several hundred lancers; an Atti, a Chiavelli, a Varano, unless they possess exceptional military talent, will not attempt to establish a company that counts more than a few dozen lancers.
From the Informatio status Marchiae Anconitane, an inquiry conducted in 1341 by the papal legate Jean Dalpérier on the state of the Marca, commissioned by Benedict XII to better understand the situation in the restless region, many observers exhibit a keen awareness of witnessing that fundamental and irreversible process of the “dissolution of communal values” that took place in the first half of the 14th century and the affirmation of a noble ideological model based on family solidarity, the struggle for dominance, a taste for arms, and a constant recourse to violence. The political, social, and institutional reasons for the regional history in the early Trecento had to be traced, according to the opinion of many figures consulted by the apostolic nuncio, to the presence of a dense web of lordships that struggled to recompose into broader territorial coordinations. The importance of military instruments in Marchigiana politics is eloquently reflected in Bartoluzio's response, the parish priest of Murro, in the diocese of Fermo, to the question about what he considered to be the best way to control the region: “he replied that if the said rector is strong enough and has a sufficient number of mercenaries, the said Marca will always be in obedience and reverence to our lord and the Church, and he believes that four hundred or five hundred knights would suffice, and if he had them in a short time, he would do so, that in the said Marca or any part of it, no one would dare to rebel, and whoever is rebellious would immediately come to the mandates of the Church and the said rector.”
The intensity and frequency of wars in the Marche are well exemplified by the fierce competition between Ascoli and Fermo for control of Porto d'Ascoli and its fortress. Hostilities had been ongoing, with alternating fortunes, since 1256 when the first clash occurred. Other conflicts followed in 1280, 1285, 1324, 1326, 1346, and 1349, and then resumed after a peace in 1351, in 1458, 1464, 1485, 1487, 1495, and 1498, which would be too long to recount. The temporal distribution of wars between the two towns is significant: the war rekindles around 1325 – in the wake of Italian events – and “exhaustion” follows the Black Death.
It is not surprising that the political instability of the Marche becomes a refuge for armed adventurers, as in 1322-1323, when the "Company" of foreign mercenaries led by Deo dei Tolomei, forcibly diverted by the Florentine-Sienese from their plundering in Tuscany, decided to “land in the Marca and in several part
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