Comments by "PAPAZA TAKLA ATTIRAN İMAM" (@papazataklaattiranimam) on "MasterofRoflness" channel.

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  14.  @azarshadakumuktir4551  As is well known, Louis subsequently began his ignominious retreat that lead to the surrender of himself and his army. This is how Ibn al-Furat sums up the great victory at al-Mansura: Things were near to a total defeat involving the complete destruction of Islam, but Almighty God sent salvation. The damned King of France (al-malik raydafrans < roi de France) reached the door of the pavillion of the Sultan al-Malik al-Salih and matters were at the most critical and difficult state. But then the Turkish Bahri squadron and the Jamdaris, mamluks of the Sultan, amongst them the commander Rukn al-Din Baybars al-Bunduqdari al-Salihi al-Najmi, showed their superiority and launched a great attack on the Franks which shook them and demolished their formations … this was the first encounter in which the polytheist dogs were defeated by means of the Turkish lions (wa-kanat hādhahi al-waq`a awwal wāqi`a untusira fīhā bi-usūd al-turk `alā kilāb al-shirk). 15 I hope that you have noticed the nice rhyme at the end: turk/shirk. The latter term has extremely negative connotations in Islam, harking back to the opponents of Muhammad in Mecca and their pagan religion. The labeling of the Christians in this context is not a coincidence and more than just a desire for a proper rhyme. The Franks are associated with the worst enemies in Islam. But this is an aside. What is important for our purposes here is the Mamluks are exalted for their hero-ism, and recognized for their Turkishness. The latter is what enabled the former. If the price for protection against Franks and Mongols was rule by a foreign born caste of slave soldiers, so be it. Amitai, ‘Military Slavery in the Islamic World: 1000 Years of a Social-Military Institution,’ published online in Medieval Mediterranean Slavery: Comparative Studies on Slavery and the Slave Trade in Muslim, Christian, and Jewish Societies (8th–15th Centuries), – (August 2007)
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  25. Imad al-Din Zengi continued his attempts to take Damascus in 1145, but he was assassinated by a Frankish slave named Yarankash in 1146. Zengi was the founder of the eponymous Zengid dynasty. In Mosul he was succeeded by his eldest son Saif ad-Din Ghazi I, and in Aleppo he was succeeded by his second son Nur ad-Din. According to Crusader legend, Zengi's mother was Ida of Austria (mother of Leopold III of Austria), who had supposedly been captured during the Crusade of 1101 and placed in a harem. She was 46 in 1101, Zengi was born in 1085, and his father died in 1094 so this is not feasible. Zengi was courageous, strong in leadership and a very skilled warrior according to all of the Muslim chroniclers of his day. Unlike Saladin at Jerusalem in 1187, Zengi did not keep his word to protect his captives at Baalbek in 1139. According to Ibn al-‘Adim, Zengi "had sworn to the people of the citadel with strong oaths and on the Qur’an and divorcing (his wives). When they came down from the citadel he betrayed them, flayed its governor and hanged the rest.” According to Ibn 'al-Adim: The atebeg was violent, powerful, awe-inspiring and liable to attack suddenly… When he rode, the troops use to walk behind him as if they were between two threads, out of fear they would trample over crops, and nobody out of fear dared to trample on a single stem (of them) nor march his horse on them… If anyone transgressed, he was crucified. He (Zengi) used to say: "It does not happen that there is more than one tyrant (meaning himself) at one time." Some of his battle victories: Battle of al-Atharib (1130) Siege of Hama (1130) Battle of Rafaniyya (1133) Battle of Qinnasrin (1135) Zengid campaign against Antioch (1135) Battle of Ba'rin (1137) Siege of Aleppo (1138) Siege of Baalbek (1139) Siege of Edessa (1144) Fall of Saruj (1145)
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  41. In the classical Persian literary tradition – the entire vocabulary of which consists of stock phrases and images - "Turk' and 'Tajik' are stand-in terms for easily recognizable social stereotypes: one simple but violent; the other wily but civilized. Rūmi turns this on its head, however, in the following couplet: Attack upon attack came the darkness of night/Be strong like a Turk, not soft like a Tajik' (Yek hamleh va yek hamleh, āmad shab va tārīkī/chosti kon va "Torki' kon, na narmī va ‘Tājīkī'). Often ‘Turk' was also used to refer to the poet's beautiful young (unattainable) beloved, as in the following lines from Sa'di: 'Maybe they'll tell the King/"Your Turk (i.e., your Beloved) has spilled Tajik blood" (Shayad ke be padshah begüyand/Tork-e tö berikht khūn-e Tājīk), or elsewhere, 'Show your Tajik face, not Abyssinian black/That the Heavens may obliterate the face of the Turks' (Ru-ye Tājīkāna-t benmā, tā dagh-e habash/ Asman chehre-ye Torkān yaghma'i keshad). Since Turkic men often ‘married up’ and started families with Tajik women, the bloodlines tended to become increasingly mixed over the generations. (Recent DNA studies in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan have shown no notable genetic difference between modern Uzbeks and Tajiks.) And since children typically spent their first years within the harem, the influence of Tajik mothers in constructing the identity of their mixed-race children was surely much greater than is admitted in the patriarchal written sources of the time. Military figures in particular often made much of their tough Turkic heritage, even as they sought to demonstrate their own cultivation by speaking Persian and patronizing Persian courtly culture. The Tajik scribes, for their part, were naturally required to flatter their patrons, but they flattered themselves as well in whatever subtle ways they could. — Richard Foltz, Chapter 4, Tajiks and Turks, The Turk–Tajik symbiosis
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  43.  @yaqubleis6311  “Turkic history is joke” Then reality strikes🤣 In the classical Persian literary tradition – the entire vocabulary of which consists of stock phrases and images - "Turk' and 'Tajik' are stand-in terms for easily recognizable social stereotypes: one simple but violent; the other wily but civilized. Rūmi turns this on its head, however, in the following couplet: Attack upon attack came the darkness of night/Be strong like a Turk, not soft like a Tajik' (Yek hamleh va yek hamleh, āmad shab va tārīkī/chosti kon va "Torki' kon, na narmī va ‘Tājīkī'). Often ‘Turk' was also used to refer to the poet's beautiful young (unattainable) beloved, as in the following lines from Sa'di: 'Maybe they'll tell the King/"Your Turk (i.e., your Beloved) has spilled Tajik blood" (Shayad ke be padshah begüyand/Tork-e tö berikht khūn-e Tājīk), or elsewhere, 'Show your Tajik face, not Abyssinian black/That the Heavens may obliterate the face of the Turks' (Ru-ye Tājīkāna-t benmā, tā dagh-e habash/ Asman chehre-ye Torkān yaghma'i keshad). Since Turkic men often ‘married up’ and started families with Tajik women, the bloodlines tended to become increasingly mixed over the generations. (Recent DNA studies in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan have shown no notable genetic difference between modern Uzbeks and Tajiks.) And since children typically spent their first years within the harem, the influence of Tajik mothers in constructing the identity of their mixed-race children was surely much greater than is admitted in the patriarchal written sources of the time. Military figures in particular often made much of their tough Turkic heritage, even as they sought to demonstrate their own cultivation by speaking Persian and patronizing Persian courtly culture. The Tajik scribes, for their part, were naturally required to flatter their patrons, but they flattered themselves as well in whatever subtle ways they could. — Richard Foltz, Chapter 4, Tajiks and Turks, The Turk–Tajik symbiosis The Iranians thought the Turks coarse and uncouth, lacking any appreciation for poetry and the other fine arts. The Turks, on the other hand, looked down on the Persians as effete and unable to pacify and protect their own country. This conflict is said by one recent commen- tator to have been a major cause for the collapse of the regime. The Safavid emperors were never able to integrate the two types into a coherent, unified governing system." Blake, S. (1991). Courtly and popular culture. In Shahjahanabad: The Sovereign City in Mughal India 1639–1739 (Cambridge South Asian Studies, pp. 122-160). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. FURTHERMORE: ”Fifty thousand Persians in full armour and riding at full gallop could not buckle and route a single Minggan (thousand) of Turks” - Al Maqrizi 🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣
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