Comments by "PAPAZA TAKLA ATTIRAN İMAM" (@papazataklaattiranimam) on "Knowledgia"
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Lenin said: Despite being poor by ourselves, we can give financial support to Turkey. It is a necessity. Financial support, mercy (compassion) and friendship is a three times larger help. Turkish people should sense that they are not alone. "
In his memoirs Aralov writes about the instructions Lenin gave him before he was dispatched to Turkey:
"Turks are fighting for their national liberation. The imperialists have robbed Turkey naked, they are still doing it.. Mustafa Kemal Pasha is naturally not a socialist . But it is apparent that he is a good organizer . He is an able leader , leading the national bourgeois revolution . He is an intelligent , progressive leader . He has understood the importance of our socialist revolution , and is favorable toward Russia.. I believe he will destroy the I believe he will destroy the pride of the imperialists and liquidate the Padisah ( Sultan ) together with his lackeys .. Although we are very poor ourselves , we can materially aid Turkey . We must do it . This way the Turkish people will The Russian aid has been in three forms : money , arms and munitions . The precise quantity of this aid is still unknown . But considering that Russian economy was bankrupt at the time , and the country was ridden with warfare against the Allied powers and White Generals , the magnitude of this aid could not be as spectacular as it is sometimes claimed . Never- theless , this has come at the right time when it was most needed to furnish an otherwise poorly equipped Turkish army , and has been instrumental in the final victory. In round figurres the total Russian aid , according to the Turkish envoy Ali Fuad Pase in Moscow , was 10 million gold rubles ( paid in installments ) , rifles , bayonnets , machine - guns , cannons horses and relevant material to equip two divisions .
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The secession of the Southern states (in chronological order, South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Texas, Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee, and North Carolina) in 1860–61 and the ensuing outbreak of armed hostilities were the culmination of decades of growing sectional friction over slavery. Between 1815 and 1861 the economy of the Northern states was rapidly modernizing and diversifying. Although agriculture—mostly smaller farms that relied on free labour—remained the dominant sector in the North, industrialization had taken root there. Moreover, Northerners had invested heavily in an expansive and varied transportation system that included canals, roads, steamboats, and railroads; in financial industries such as banking and insurance; and in a large communications network that featured inexpensive, widely available newspapers, magazines, and books, along with the telegraph.
By contrast, the Southern economy was based principally on large farms (plantations) that produced commercial crops such as cotton and that relied on slaves as the main labour force. Rather than invest in factories or railroads as Northerners had done, Southerners invested their money in slaves—even more than in land; by 1860, 84 percent of the capital invested in manufacturing was invested in the free (nonslaveholding) states. Yet, to Southerners, as late as 1860, this appeared to be a sound business decision. The price of cotton, the South’s defining crop, had skyrocketed in the 1850s, and the value of slaves—who were, after all, property—rose commensurately. By 1860 the per capita wealth of Southern whites was twice that of Northerners, and three-fifths of the wealthiest individuals in the country were Southerners.
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At the past, Turkic peoples like Bulgars, Khazars, Pechenegs, Avars, Huns, Onogurs, Utigurs, Sabirs, Saragurs, Kutrigurs, Kipchaks, Cumans, Tatars, Ottomans etc. were fighting with each other for Ukraine. But now, Slavic peoples are fighting for it👀
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Those who founded and developed the Ottoman Empire had "Turkishness consciousness" and at the same time did not neglect the knowledge of "ummah". Ki question is "national" and the other "religious" identity. The two achieve perfection together.
Famous Ottoman historian and Shaykh al-Islam Hodja Sadeddin Efendi uses expressions such as "Turkish heroes", "Turkish soldiers whose victories are shadowed" while describing the Ottoman conquests in his work titled "Tacü't Tevarih".
On the other hand, Mustafa Ali of Gelibolulu, one of the most important historians of the 16th century, underlines his knowledge of "Turk" with the definition of "elite nation, beautiful ummah, Turkish nation" in the history of "Kühn-ul Ahbar".
Solakzade Mehmet Hemdemi Efendi, one of the historians of the 17th century, mentions in his works "the son of the Turk who conquered Constantinople"
Almost all palace historians attribute the Ottoman Dynasty to Oghuz Khan and Central Asia. They repeat it over and over again from the Ottomans, the Oghuz lineage and the Kayı Boyu.
Fatih Sultan Mehmed, to his grandson from Cem Sultan "Oguz", II. He calls his grandson from Bayezid "Feared". Sultan II. The name of one of Abdülhamid's grandchildren is “Ertuğrul” (I think it was the poet Eşref, when they said “Sultan Abdülhamid became a grandson, they named him Ertuğrul”, he said, “When we say that the dynasty is over, are they starting again?” Malum: Osman Gazi The name of his father was “Ertuğrul”.
When the Timur State claimed to be "Turkish", Sultan II. Murad feels the need to emphasize that the Ottoman Empire is also a "Turkish State" and puts Kayı Boyu's stamp on the coins and balls.
Again, Sultan II. Turkish comes to the forefront during the Murad period, Yazıcızade Ali not only translates the "Selçukname" (Ibn Bibi) in which the Oghuzs and Turks are told into the Turkish of the time, but also enriches it with some additions and additions. In the period of Fatih, many religious, literary, moral, medical, political, dictionary and encyclopedic works are translated into Turkish. All official correspondence in the state is already in Turkish.
Europeans are always the Ottoman "Turkey", the Sultan "Sultan of Turkey", in the Ottoman Empire "Turkey," he says, the Ottoman Empire in the map of Europe, "Turkish Empire" is shown as. So much so that the Europeans call the Muslim "turned Turkish". That is how Turkishness and Islam are identified.
Although some of the grand viziers are "devshirme", the overwhelming majority of senior bureaucrats are "Turks". At the head of the administration is the "Turkish son Turkish" sultan.
But the Ottoman State is never a "nation state". It was a multi-religious, multi-lingual, multiethnic formation. Therefore, top managers do not practice "Turkism", but they are never ashamed of their "Turkishness".
As a matter of fact, the harsh response of Kanuni to the famous Grand Vizier Pargali Ibrahim Pasha who joked with Kanuni as "Big Turk" is famous: "Yes, I am Turk, do you have something to say?"
You can imagine that Pargali went to the bottom of this answer.
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@Letnistonwandif Ottoman Empire was stronger than Spain both economically, politically and geographically.
Capture of Algiers (1516) Ottomans won
Algiers expedition (1541) Ottomans won
Capture of Béjaïa (1555) Ottomans won
Siege of Coron, Ottomans won
Battle of Djerba, Ottomans won
Battle of Formentera, Ottomans won
Raid of the Balearic islands (1558) Ottomans won
Siege of Castelnuovo, Ottomans won
Fall of Tlemcen (1518) Ottomans won
Conquest of Tunis (1574) Ottomans won
Battle of Preveza, Ottomans won
at the same time, the Ottomans were alone in Preveza. But the enemy army Venice, Papal States, Genoa, Spain, Mantua, Malta, Portugal[1][2][3] All of them was part of Holy League but Ottomans won against them.
Also remember Süleyman the Magnificent's Venetian helmet . It was an elaborate headpiece designed to project the sultan's power in the context of the Ottoman–Habsburg rivalry. Meaning The four floors of the Crown also represent Solomon's goal of world conquest—reigning the North, the South, the East, and the West—as well as the Pope's famous triple crown and the Holy Roman Empire two years ago. It was a reference to Charles V, who was crowned as the German Emperor.🙂.''
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The writer uses the ambiguous term “Hellene,” which generally means “pagan” in Byzantine Greek. Plethon and his followers used the term almost to the exclusion of all others when referring to their own countrymen.
Nagy., 2003. Modern Greek Literature. Taylor & Francis, p.30.
" In its final centuries , the Byzantine Empire was also called " Romania . " Remnants of this Roman heritage are still evident in such terms as " Rum " and " Rumeli .
Georgius, Philippides, M. and Macarius, 1980. The fall of the Byzantine empire. Amherst, MA: Univ. of Massachusetts Pr., p.2.
Given Gennadios ' strong religious and traditional orientation , one would expect him to adhere carefully to the traditional Byzantine nomenclature wherein Hellene signified pagan and Rhomaios Byzantine .
Ćurčić, S. and Mouriki, D., 2019. The Twilight of Byzantium. Princeton: Princeton University Press, p.9.
And there is also evidence that the word 'Hellene' now meant 'pagan', and Justinian did conduct persecutions of Hellenes.
Scott, R., n.d. Byzantine chronicles and the sixth century.
The Byzantine Empire was officially called the Empire of the Romans, not the Greeks, Hellenes, or whatever. And if we proceed from the northern theory of the formation of the state, then we could not know about the Hellenic Greeks, Venetian-Venets in any way due to the lack of direct contacts. At that time, the word “Hellene” among the Romans meant a pagan and a traitor.
Attila Kagan of the Huns from the kind of Velsung Kindle Edition by Соловьев Сергей Юрьевич (Author)
The ancient Hellenes were conquered by the Romans . Emperor Justinian destroyed the last vestiges of Hellenic civilisation , and state Christianity created a new civilisation on the ruins of the old .
Koliopoulos, G. and Veremēs, T., 2007. Greece: the modern sequel. London: Hurst & Company, p.242.
Hellenes as they were called, were persecuted by the enforcement of these general rules; Justinian endeavored, above all things, to deprive them of education, and he had the University of Athens closed in 529; at the same time ordering wholesale conversations.
The Cambridge Medieval History volumes 1-5 by John Bagnell Bury, Paul Dalen (Goodreads Author) (Editor)
And there is also evidence that the word 'Hellene' now meant 'pagan', and Justinian did conduct persecutions of Hellenes. The world of Classics in the sixth century was not entirely rosy.
Scott, R., n.d. Byzantine chronicles and the sixth century
It is believed that there was some kind of trade route, but the object of exchange is not clear. The Baltic States could offer amber, but the path along the Elbe and then the Danube is better and safer than the path "From the Varangians to the Greeks" invented by idle historians. First, where did the Greeks come from? The Byzantine Empire was officially called the Empire of the Romans, not the Greeks, Hellenes, or whatever. And if we proceed from the northern theory of the formation of the state, then the Veneti Veneti could not know about the Greek-Hellenes, due to the lack of direct contacts. At that time, the word "Hellene" among the Romans meant a pagan and a traitor. And the term Varangian, unknown even among the Scandinavians, at least in Saxon Grammar it does not occur, from the word at all. The way from Wagry sounds more reasonable, and where? If we translate the term "Hellene" as a pagan, then we get that the way from Wagri to the east was the way of pagan pilgrims.
Russia the formation of the state in the 9th century Veneds and the severjans (northerners), part of the Huns, which became the basis of a new community Kindle Edition by Solovyov Sergey (Author)
Although the Breviarum has some major flaws, including a lacuna for nearly the entire reign of Constans II (r. 641-668), it is nonetheless one of the most important sources for his tory from the reign of Phocas through Constantine V-in no small part due to the fame of its author rather than the work's intrinsic merit.79 Nikephoros' use of names in this text is somewhat idiosyncratic. This short history does not have much on language-the sole mention of Latin names it 'Itaλ@v qwvn.80 He never refers to Greek, but 'Hellene' is invari ably a pejorative term, used in the sense of meaning 'pagan. On the other hand, he regularly glosses 'Christians' as meaning 'Romans' in a cultural and even political sense. Like other Greek-writing authors of this period, Nikephoros displays a high degree of laxity of precision in his terminology.
In spite of the relatively relaxed attitudes adopted by contemporaries with respect to linguistic labels, it is clear that the later medieval and mod ern colloquial usage of the signifier Roman' for the Greek language is unprecedented in the early middle ages. Where the 'Roman tongue" is mentioned in the sources, it is always Latin which is signified-and this is consistent from Procopius in the sixth century through Constantine VII in the tenth.
WHALIN, D., 2022. ROMAN IDENTITY FROM THE ARAB CONQUESTS TO THE TRIUMPH OF ORTHODOXY. [S.l.]: PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, p.31.
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From this point of view, a large part of the 19 Cypriot historiography did not manage to achieve the substantial for the historian, to use a phrase by Eric Hobsbawm, overcoming of passions and political identities, 20⁰ identities that were of course created at the end or even after the Ottoman period. That is to say, that the national political identity of the Greek and the Turk, the national political ensembles of Greeks and Turks, realities of the post-Ottoman period in Cyprus are projected on the past of the 16th century.
Thus, in 1571 Cyprus was conquered by the Ottomans and for the next three hundred and more years was a part of the Ottoman territory. The Greek Cypriot historiography uses for this transition and generally the entire Ottoman period the term Turkish rule a term that lends a national Turkish identity to Ottomans. A big part of traditional historiography refers to a Turkish state,²¹ mentioning a Turkish government, while correspondingly the conquered are included in another national identity, the Greek, which - and perhaps this is more important - at the time history is written, is in conflict with the Turkish.
Already from the end of the 19th century, Greek Cypriot historiography states that during the Turkish rule "the spirit of the inhabitants fell to a pitiful point and poverty and misery and extreme ignorance, and depression of the national morale covered the island".23 The Orthodox on the island are defined by traditional historiography as a political group since "in the vizier's orders the participant in the defence of Famagusta Greek was a term that was generalised for all Greeks on the island". In relation to the population on the island the Turkish rule mentions that "after the occupation of Cyprus by the Turks the census that took place for tax pur poses revealed that the native Cypriot Greeks aged [...] in this population 20.000 30.000 Turks were added".25 It is also established that "the Turkish occupation brought to Cyprus many radical changes. The Turks supported the Greek population on the island in order not to give the opportunity to the peoples of Europe to be interested in the Cypriots […]”.26
And as it began with a national conflict that is how italso ends, since it is mentioned that “while the Turkish conquerors suppressed andpersecuted the Greeks on the island […]”.27
The existence therefore of a politicalnational group is considered given and every analysis of the Ottoman period func-tions in a way to bring to the forefront or reinforce the existence, even under difficultconditions, of such a group. This expressed the stereotyped view that the Cypriots“managed under the protection of the Church to maintain their religion, language,and national conscience as Greeks”.28
Even when relations are examined on differentlevels, even when they refer to the 17th
century, these are characterised as relationsof the “Greeks and the Turks of Cyprus”.29
In the Turkish Cypriot historiography, the same perception is more or less fol-lowed; history is written under the same terms, the national terms but with one sub-stantial difference: The “Turks on the island” 30
are usually referred to as acomplimentary term of the word Ottomans and are placed on the side of the goodoften contrary to the “Greeks, Greek Cypriots” who are on the opposite side. Thesettlement of the “Turks”on the island is interpreted as something that broughtabout positive results for the entire island 31 and the local Ottoman administration isgenerally whitewashed. In short, Turkish Cypriot historiography also accepts theexistence of national groups. The Church of Cyprus expresses again the Greeks of Cyprus and its activities are mainly targeted against the Turks of Cyprus, 32
whilewithout hesitation the actions of the Prelates of 1600 in Cyprus are combined andidentified with the Akritas plan of the period after the independence. 33
The Prelatesare considered to express not only spiritually but also nationally the Orthodox of Cyprus while institutionally the Church of Cyprus is perceived as warring towardsthe local Turkish administration. 34
The Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot histo-riographies are identified when they project the present on the past, a past howeverthat is perceived and interpreted from a very different national point of view.
Michael, M., Kappler, M. and Gavriel, E., 2009. Ottoman Cyprus: A Collection of Studies on History and Culture Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp.14,15.
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The three Islamic empires of the early modern period – the Mughal, the Safavid, and the Ottoman – shared a common Turko-Mongolian heritage. In all three the ruling dynasty was Islamic, the economic system was agrarian, and the military forces were paid in grants of land revenue. Despite these similarities, however, significant differences remained. And, to fully appreciate the individual temporal systems, a brief description of the political, economic, religious, and cultural conditions in each state is necessary. Within the confines of a single chapter, however, it is not possible to review all of the literature and settle all of the controversies. As a result, the brief overview that follows depends, for the most part, on the most recent general histories and surveys.
https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/time-in-early-modern-islam/safavid-mughal-and-ottoman-empires/9D55F0A0262017473EC8A9A7ED86C508/core-reader
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Cypriot Greek has often been referred to as a dialect of Greek (Contossopoulos, 2000); a variety that is linguistically proximal to Standard Modern Greek (Grohmann and Kambanaros, 2016 Grohmann et al. 2016), which is the official language in the environment our participants acquire language. Although the official language in education and other formal settings is indeed Standard Modern Greek, research has shown the boundaries between the two varieties, Standard Modern Greek and Cypriot Greek, and their distribution across different registers is not straightforward (Grohmann and Leivada, 2012, Tsiplakou et al. 2016). At times mixing is attested without code-switching being in place, while no official characterization has been provided for any of these terms in this specific context. The question arising in this context is whether the attested variants emerging in mixed speech repertoires are functionally equivalent for an individual speaker.
The concept of "competing grammars goes back to Krich 11989, 1991), who proposed that speakers project multiple grammars to deal with ambiguous input This concept has been explicitly connected to the relation between Standard and Cypriot Greek (Papadopo et al. 2014; plaka 2014; Grohman et al 2017)
The two varieties have differences in all levels of linguistic analysis and often monolingual speakers of Standard Modern Greek judge Cypriot Greek as unintelligible. At the same time, Greek Cypriot speakers do not always provide reliable judgments of their own speech since these are often clouded by sociolinguistic attitudes toward using the non-standard variety. Cypriot Greek lacks official codification and its status as a different language/variety is often denied by Greek Cypriots who may downplay the differences between Standard Modern Greek and Cypriot Greek and describe the latter as just an accent (Arvaniti, 2010). As the discussion of the different variants will make clear in the next section, the two varieties have differences across levels of linguistic analysis and these differences vastly exceed the sphere of phonetics or phonology.
All speakers of Cypriot Greek have exposure to Standard Modern Greek through education and other mediums and in this way, they are competent to different degrees in both varieties. We employ the term 'bilectal' (Rowe and Grohmann, 2013, 2014) to refer to the participants of this study, although it is not entirely clear that the varieties they are exposed to are Standard Modern Greek and Cypriot Greek or that they are only two varieties, under the assumption that a continuum is in place. For instance, the term 'Cypriot Standard Greek' (Arvaniti, 2010) has been proposed to refer to an emerging variety that may count as the standard in the context of Cyprus. This would be a sociolinguistically 'high' variety (Ferguson, 1959) that is used in formal settings, although its degree of proximity with Standard Modern Greek is difficult to determine with precision because great fluidity is attested across different settings and geographical areas. At the school environment, for example, one notices the existence of three different varieties: Cypriot Greek, as the home variety that is used when students interact with each other, Standard Modern Greek, as the language of the teaching material, and another standard-like variety that incorporates elements from both varieties, and is present in the repertoire of both the students and the instructors (Sophocleous and Wilks. 2010; Hadjioannou et al., 2011; Leivada et al.. 2017).
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Studies in both Greece and Cyprus are included in this chapter. Standard Greek is the language spoken throughout Greece at home, with minor dialectic variation, and the sole language of administration and education. In contrast, in Cyprus the home language is Cypriot Greek, a dialect with no standardized or written form, but the language of administration and education is very similar to standard Greek, in a situation of diglossia (Hadjioannou, Tsiplakou & Kappler, 2011). There are differences between standard and Cypriot Greek in most linguistic domains, and the two dialects are not entirely mutually intelligible (see discussion and references in Arvaniti, 2006, 2010). Although many phonological awareness tasks may be largely equivalent when used in Greece and Cyprus, it might be kept in mind that Cypriot children are taught and tested in a nonnative linguistic system.
Saiegh-Haddad, E. (2017). Learning to Read Arabic. In L. Verhoeven & C. Perfetti (Eds.), Learning to Read across Languages and Writing Systems (pp. 183). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Cypriot Greek, which has a certain amount of regional variation, is markedly different from Standard Greek not only for historical reasons but also because of geographical isolation, different settlement patterns, and extensive contact with typologically distinct languages. The syntax of Cypriot Greek is almost identical with that of Standard Greek, but there are differences in morphol ogy and considerable differences in lexicon and phonology (Papapavlou 1994). The main phonological differences include the presence in Cypriot of palato-alveolar affri cates, and of geminate consonants, includ ing in word-initial position (Newton 1972). Although the differences in syntax, mor phology and phonology are not enormous, the Cypriot dialect and Standard Greek are not particularly readily intelligible (Papa pavlou 1994), probably mostly because the lexicon of Cypriot has significantly more. lexical items of non-Greek origin (Chat zioyannou 1936).
Ammon, U., Dittmar, N., Mattheier, K. and Trudgill, P., n.d. Sociolinguistics/ Soziolinguistik. Volume 3. p.1886.
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The writer uses the ambiguous term “Hellene,” which generally means “pagan” in Byzantine Greek. Plethon and his followers used the term almost to the exclusion of all others when referring to their own countrymen.
Nagy., 2003. Modern Greek Literature. Taylor & Francis, p.30.
" In its final centuries , the Byzantine Empire was also called " Romania . " Remnants of this Roman heritage are still evident in such terms as " Rum " and " Rumeli .
Georgius, Philippides, M. and Macarius, 1980. The fall of the Byzantine empire. Amherst, MA: Univ. of Massachusetts Pr., p.2.
Given Gennadios ' strong religious and traditional orientation , one would expect him to adhere carefully to the traditional Byzantine nomenclature wherein Hellene signified pagan and Rhomaios Byzantine .
Ćurčić, S. and Mouriki, D., 2019. The Twilight of Byzantium. Princeton: Princeton University Press, p.9.
And there is also evidence that the word 'Hellene' now meant 'pagan', and Justinian did conduct persecutions of Hellenes.
Scott, R., n.d. Byzantine chronicles and the sixth century.
The Byzantine Empire was officially called the Empire of the Romans, not the Greeks, Hellenes, or whatever. And if we proceed from the northern theory of the formation of the state, then we could not know about the Hellenic Greeks, Venetian-Venets in any way due to the lack of direct contacts. At that time, the word “Hellene” among the Romans meant a pagan and a traitor.
Attila Kagan of the Huns from the kind of Velsung Kindle Edition by Соловьев Сергей Юрьевич (Author)
The ancient Hellenes were conquered by the Romans . Emperor Justinian destroyed the last vestiges of Hellenic civilisation , and state Christianity created a new civilisation on the ruins of the old .
Koliopoulos, G. and Veremēs, T., 2007. Greece: the modern sequel. London: Hurst & Company, p.242.
Hellenes as they were called, were persecuted by the enforcement of these general rules; Justinian endeavored, above all things, to deprive them of education, and he had the University of Athens closed in 529; at the same time ordering wholesale conversations.
The Cambridge Medieval History volumes 1-5 by John Bagnell Bury, Paul Dalen (Goodreads Author) (Editor)
And there is also evidence that the word 'Hellene' now meant 'pagan', and Justinian did conduct persecutions of Hellenes. The world of Classics in the sixth century was not entirely rosy.
Scott, R., n.d. Byzantine chronicles and the sixth century
It is believed that there was some kind of trade route, but the object of exchange is not clear. The Baltic States could offer amber, but the path along the Elbe and then the Danube is better and safer than the path "From the Varangians to the Greeks" invented by idle historians. First, where did the Greeks come from? The Byzantine Empire was officially called the Empire of the Romans, not the Greeks, Hellenes, or whatever. And if we proceed from the northern theory of the formation of the state, then the Veneti Veneti could not know about the Greek-Hellenes, due to the lack of direct contacts. At that time, the word "Hellene" among the Romans meant a pagan and a traitor. And the term Varangian, unknown even among the Scandinavians, at least in Saxon Grammar it does not occur, from the word at all. The way from Wagry sounds more reasonable, and where? If we translate the term "Hellene" as a pagan, then we get that the way from Wagri to the east was the way of pagan pilgrims.
Russia the formation of the state in the 9th century Veneds and the severjans (northerners), part of the Huns, which became the basis of a new community Kindle Edition by Solovyov Sergey (Author)
Although the Breviarum has some major flaws, including a lacuna for nearly the entire reign of Constans II (r. 641-668), it is nonetheless one of the most important sources for his tory from the reign of Phocas through Constantine V-in no small part due to the fame of its author rather than the work's intrinsic merit.79 Nikephoros' use of names in this text is somewhat idiosyncratic. This short history does not have much on language-the sole mention of Latin names it 'Itaλ@v qwvn.80 He never refers to Greek, but 'Hellene' is invari ably a pejorative term, used in the sense of meaning 'pagan. On the other hand, he regularly glosses 'Christians' as meaning 'Romans' in a cultural and even political sense. Like other Greek-writing authors of this period, Nikephoros displays a high degree of laxity of precision in his terminology.
In spite of the relatively relaxed attitudes adopted by contemporaries with respect to linguistic labels, it is clear that the later medieval and mod ern colloquial usage of the signifier Roman' for the Greek language is unprecedented in the early middle ages. Where the 'Roman tongue" is mentioned in the sources, it is always Latin which is signified-and this is consistent from Procopius in the sixth century through Constantine VII in the tenth.
WHALIN, D., 2022. ROMAN IDENTITY FROM THE ARAB CONQUESTS TO THE TRIUMPH OF ORTHODOXY. [S.l.]: PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, p.31.
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From this point of view, a large part of the 19 Cypriot historiography did not manage to achieve the substantial for the historian, to use a phrase by Eric Hobsbawm, overcoming of passions and political identities, 20⁰ identities that were of course created at the end or even after the Ottoman period. That is to say, that the national political identity of the Greek and the Turk, the national political ensembles of Greeks and Turks, realities of the post-Ottoman period in Cyprus are projected on the past of the 16th century.
Thus, in 1571 Cyprus was conquered by the Ottomans and for the next three hundred and more years was a part of the Ottoman territory. The Greek Cypriot historiography uses for this transition and generally the entire Ottoman period the term Turkish rule a term that lends a national Turkish identity to Ottomans. A big part of traditional historiography refers to a Turkish state,²¹ mentioning a Turkish government, while correspondingly the conquered are included in another national identity, the Greek, which - and perhaps this is more important - at the time history is written, is in conflict with the Turkish.
Already from the end of the 19th century, Greek Cypriot historiography states that during the Turkish rule "the spirit of the inhabitants fell to a pitiful point and poverty and misery and extreme ignorance, and depression of the national morale covered the island".23 The Orthodox on the island are defined by traditional historiography as a political group since "in the vizier's orders the participant in the defence of Famagusta Greek was a term that was generalised for all Greeks on the island". In relation to the population on the island the Turkish rule mentions that "after the occupation of Cyprus by the Turks the census that took place for tax pur poses revealed that the native Cypriot Greeks aged [...] in this population 20.000 30.000 Turks were added".25 It is also established that "the Turkish occupation brought to Cyprus many radical changes. The Turks supported the Greek population on the island in order not to give the opportunity to the peoples of Europe to be interested in the Cypriots […]”.26
And as it began with a national conflict that is how italso ends, since it is mentioned that “while the Turkish conquerors suppressed andpersecuted the Greeks on the island […]”.27
The existence therefore of a politicalnational group is considered given and every analysis of the Ottoman period func-tions in a way to bring to the forefront or reinforce the existence, even under difficultconditions, of such a group. This expressed the stereotyped view that the Cypriots“managed under the protection of the Church to maintain their religion, language,and national conscience as Greeks”.28
Even when relations are examined on differentlevels, even when they refer to the 17th
century, these are characterised as relationsof the “Greeks and the Turks of Cyprus”.29
In the Turkish Cypriot historiography, the same perception is more or less fol-lowed; history is written under the same terms, the national terms but with one sub-stantial difference: The “Turks on the island” 30
are usually referred to as acomplimentary term of the word Ottomans and are placed on the side of the goodoften contrary to the “Greeks, Greek Cypriots” who are on the opposite side. Thesettlement of the “Turks”on the island is interpreted as something that broughtabout positive results for the entire island 31 and the local Ottoman administration isgenerally whitewashed. In short, Turkish Cypriot historiography also accepts theexistence of national groups. The Church of Cyprus expresses again the Greeks of Cyprus and its activities are mainly targeted against the Turks of Cyprus, 32
whilewithout hesitation the actions of the Prelates of 1600 in Cyprus are combined andidentified with the Akritas plan of the period after the independence. 33
The Prelatesare considered to express not only spiritually but also nationally the Orthodox of Cyprus while institutionally the Church of Cyprus is perceived as warring towardsthe local Turkish administration. 34
The Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot histo-riographies are identified when they project the present on the past, a past howeverthat is perceived and interpreted from a very different national point of view.
Michael, M., Kappler, M. and Gavriel, E., 2009. Ottoman Cyprus: A Collection of Studies on History and Culture Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp.14,15.
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In short, it is hard to think of any other ethnolinguistic entity in history that conquered so vast a territory and founded so many empires and states, also contributing to world civilizations. The history of the Turkic peoples was an important factor in world history for more than a millennium until the emergence of Europe as the world's dominant power. What happened in the Turkic world often affected the history of China, Central Asia, the Middle East, South Asia, and Europe. One may also argue that world history began with the "Turko-Mongol" empire created by Chinggis Khan. In the contemporary world, Turkic-speaking nations form six states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, and Turkey/Türkiye) and several "autonomous" units in Russia (the republics of Chuvash, Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, Altai, Khakassia, Tuva, and Sakha) and China (the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region). Turkic peoples also reside as minority groups in several other countries, including Mongolia and Iran, among others. It would therefore be difficult to acquire a comprehensive understanding of world history as well as our present world without studying the history of the Turkic peoples.
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The ancient Hellenes were conquered by the Romans . Emperor Justinian destroyed the last vestiges of Hellenic civilisation , and state Christianity created a new civilisation on the ruins of the old .
Koliopoulos, G. and Veremēs, T., 2007. Greece: the modern sequel. London: Hurst & Company, p.242.
Hellenes as they were called, were persecuted by the enforcement of these general rules; Justinian endeavored, above all things, to deprive them of education, and he had the University of Athens closed in 529; at the same time ordering wholesale conversations.
The Cambridge Medieval History volumes 1-5 by John Bagnell Bury, Paul Dalen (Goodreads Author) (Editor)
And there is also evidence that the word 'Hellene' now meant 'pagan', and Justinian did conduct persecutions of Hellenes. The world of Classics in the sixth century was not entirely rosy.
Scott, R., n.d. Byzantine chronicles and the sixth century
And there is also evidence that the word 'Hellene' now meant 'pagan', and Justinian did conduct persecutions of Hellenes.
Scott, R., n.d. Byzantine chronicles and the sixth century.
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Ottoman Empire ended many states in history: Eretnids,Ramadanid Emirate,Karamanids,Beylik of Tadjeddin, ,Jandarids,Ahi Republic ,Dulkadirids,Beylik of Teke,Hamidids,Germiyanids,Menteshe,Sarukhanids,Karasids
,Beylik of Bafra,Hacıemiroğulları,Kubatoğulları,Kutluşah,Tacettinoğulları,Taşanoğulları,Duchy of Saint Sava,Duchy of Athens,Duchy of the Archipelago,Jabrids Emirate,Banate of Belgrade,Banate of Masco,Serbian Despotate,Lordship of Prilep,Despotate of Epirus, Revolutionary Serbia,Kingdom of Serbia(1718-1739),Principality of Zeta,Second Bulgarian Empire,Tsardom of Vidin,Despotate of Dobruja,Principality of Valona,Despotate of Morea,Principality of Theodoro,Empire of Trebizond, County Palatine of Cephalonia and Zakynthos, Marquisate of Bodonitsa,Kingdom of Candia,Kingdom of the Morea,Triarchy of Negroponte,Koinon of the Zagorisians,Eastern Roman Empire,Principality of Albania,Lordship of Berat, Despotate of Angelokastron and Lepanto,State of Arianiti, Principality of Gjirokastër, Principality of Gropaj,Principality of Zahariaj,Principality of Dukagjini,Principality of Hamamshen,Kingdom of Bosnia, Banate of Lugos and Karánsebes,Kingdom of Hungary (1301-1526), Principality of Samtskhe,Hafsid Kingdom,Kingdom of Tlemcen,
Kingdom of Kuku,Emirate of Diriyah
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The ancient Hellenes were conquered by the Romans . Emperor Justinian destroyed the last vestiges of Hellenic civilisation , and state Christianity created a new civilisation on the ruins of the old .
Koliopoulos, G. and Veremēs, T., 2007. Greece: the modern sequel. London: Hurst & Company, p.242.
Hellenes as they were called, were persecuted by the enforcement of these general rules; Justinian endeavored, above all things, to deprive them of education, and he had the University of Athens closed in 529; at the same time ordering wholesale conversations.
The Cambridge Medieval History volumes 1-5 by John Bagnell Bury, Paul Dalen (Goodreads Author) (Editor)
And there is also evidence that the word 'Hellene' now meant 'pagan', and Justinian did conduct persecutions of Hellenes. The world of Classics in the sixth century was not entirely rosy.
Scott, R., n.d. Byzantine chronicles and the sixth century
And there is also evidence that the word 'Hellene' now meant 'pagan', and Justinian did conduct persecutions of Hellenes.
Scott, R., n.d. Byzantine chronicles and the sixth century.
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@nastic_27 fort comme un turc [adj]
très fort ; vigoureux ; robuste ; costaud
Origin and definition
Today, a Turk is just another human being. And even if there are Turks who hold world records in weightlifting, nothing seems to justify calling a Turk more strong than a Greek, a Monegasque or a Chinese.
But we must not forget the history of Turkey.
Before this country became what it is today, there was the Ottoman Empire built by a people of warriors through conquests in Europe, Africa and Asia. These Turkish or Ottoman fighters impressed by their strength, their courage and also their brutality, their cruelty.
Thus in the 17th and 18th centuries, the Turk symbolized the unbeliever, the brutal enemy. It was also said of someone who was rude and ruthless that he was "a real Turk" and to treat someone "Turkish" was to treat him unceremoniously.
The expression originated in the mid-15th century, shortly after the capture of Constantinople (ancient Byzantium and present-day Istanbul) by the troops of Sultan Mehmet II in 1453.
Examples
“I have two, sir, who, without vanity, could be presented to the pope, especially my eldest, who is a pretty bit of a girl. I am raising her to be a countess, although her mother does not want it.
How old is she, sir, this future countess?
But she is approaching fifteen years old: already that is a fathom taller for you, nice, fresh as an April morning, agile, uncoupled, sprightly, and above all strong as a Turk.
Devil ! these are good dispositions for being a countess.
Oh ! her mother may say so, she will be. »
Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra - Don Quixote of La Mancha
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Yes, in the comments, the Greeks have always tried to present the Turks as immigrants and abolitionists, and themselves as natives of the island. However, the Greeks, or rather the Hellenes, were not natives of the region, but came from the Ukrainian steppes about 4000 years ago and settled where they live today. Their settlement has also caused many indigenous peoples to lose their language. (Eteocretans, Eteocypriots, Minoans, Pelasgians, Lemnians, Levantines, indigenous Anatolians etc.).
Second, the Ottomans did not take Cyprus from the Greeks or any Greek state, they conquered a population subjugated by their Venetians.
And also, they have repeatedly emphasize the Central Asian/Siberian origin of the Turks, as if it were something shameful.
But let them know that we are proud to be a warrior nation from the steppes, and unlike the passive Greeks, we have established dozens of empires and hundreds of states. And we are very fond of our independence. Unlike the Greeks, we have been independent for most of our history and have not been incapable to rule ourselves. Mehh, look at the Greeks. Much of their history was under the yoke of other people. THAT SHOULD BE THE MAIN SHAMEFUL THING.
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The noblest of these nations that were not interested in science are the Chinese and the Turks. The Chinese are the largest of the peoples by number, the most imposing by kingdom, and the most considerable by territory. The domains they occupy are in the eastern parts of the inhabited world, between the equinoctial line to the extreme of the seven climates to the north. His share in knowledge (ma'rifa) is to surpass all nations in mastery of handicrafts and perfection of graphic arts. They are the most suffered of men in the prolonged effort, which the improvement of the works [supposes], as well as in enduring the harshness of the penalties in the perfection of the arts (sana'i").
As for the Turks, [they] also form a great nation with numerous troops and an imposing kingdom. The domains they inhabit are found between the eastern regions of Juräsän, [on the side] of the Islamic empire, the western regions of China, northern India, and the extreme north of the inhabited world. Their virtue is that they stand out and achieve supremacy in doing war, as well as in the elaboration of weapons; for they are the most skilful of men in horsemanship and [warfare] tactics, and the keenest of eyes for spearing, striking with the sword, and shooting arrows.
Ahmad, A.S. ibn and Salgado, M.F. (1999) Libro de las categorías de las naciones: Vislumbres desde el islam clásico sobre la filosofía y la ciencia. Tres cantos: Akal., p.43
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Studies in both Greece and Cyprus are included in this chapter. Standard Greek is the language spoken throughout Greece at home, with minor dialectic variation, and the sole language of administration and education. In contrast, in Cyprus the home language is Cypriot Greek, a dialect with no standardized or written form, but the language of administration and education is very similar to standard Greek, in a situation of diglossia (Hadjioannou, Tsiplakou & Kappler, 2011). There are differences between standard and Cypriot Greek in most linguistic domains, and the two dialects are not entirely mutually intelligible (see discussion and references in Arvaniti, 2006, 2010). Although many phonological awareness tasks may be largely equivalent when used in Greece and Cyprus, it might be kept in mind that Cypriot children are taught and tested in a nonnative linguistic system.
Saiegh-Haddad, E. (2017). Learning to Read Arabic. In L. Verhoeven & C. Perfetti (Eds.), Learning to Read across Languages and Writing Systems (pp. 183). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Cypriot Greek, which has a certain amount of regional variation, is markedly different from Standard Greek not only for historical reasons but also because of geographical isolation, different settlement patterns, and extensive contact with typologically distinct languages. The syntax of Cypriot Greek is almost identical with that of Standard Greek, but there are differences in morphol ogy and considerable differences in lexicon and phonology (Papapavlou 1994). The main phonological differences include the presence in Cypriot of palato-alveolar affri cates, and of geminate consonants, includ ing in word-initial position (Newton 1972). Although the differences in syntax, mor phology and phonology are not enormous, the Cypriot dialect and Standard Greek are not particularly readily intelligible (Papa pavlou 1994), probably mostly because the lexicon of Cypriot has significantly more. lexical items of non-Greek origin (Chat zioyannou 1936).
Ammon, U., Dittmar, N., Mattheier, K. and Trudgill, P., n.d. Sociolinguistics/ Soziolinguistik. Volume 3. p.1886.
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fort comme un turc [adj]
très fort ; vigoureux ; robuste ; costaud
Origin and definition
Today, a Turk is just another human being. And even if there are Turks who hold world records in weightlifting, nothing seems to justify calling a Turk more strong than a Greek, a Monegasque or a Chinese.
But we must not forget the history of Turkey.
Before this country became what it is today, there was the Ottoman Empire built by a people of warriors through conquests in Europe, Africa and Asia. These Turkish or Ottoman fighters impressed by their strength, their courage and also their brutality, their cruelty.
Thus in the 17th and 18th centuries, the Turk symbolized the unbeliever, the brutal enemy. It was also said of someone who was rude and ruthless that he was "a real Turk" and to treat someone "Turkish" was to treat him unceremoniously.
The expression originated in the mid-15th century, shortly after the capture of Constantinople (ancient Byzantium and present-day Istanbul) by the troops of Sultan Mehmet II in 1453.
Examples
“I have two, sir, who, without vanity, could be presented to the pope, especially my eldest, who is a pretty bit of a girl. I am raising her to be a countess, although her mother does not want it.
How old is she, sir, this future countess?
But she is approaching fifteen years old: already that is a fathom taller for you, nice, fresh as an April morning, agile, uncoupled, sprightly, and above all strong as a Turk.
Devil ! these are good dispositions for being a countess.
Oh ! her mother may say so, she will be. »
Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra - Don Quixote of La Mancha
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@Letnistonwandif The Turks have conquered and colonized the largest landmass in the world, and even today, with the loss of Balkans&Hungary, Northern Africa, Mongolia, East Turkistan, Northern India, Iran, Caucasus, Pontic Caspian Steppe, Mesopotamia, Levant, Arabia and Northwestern China from the continuity of the Turkic world, the Turks still retain rule over Central Asia, Azerbaijan and Anatolia, in particular, the most successful Geographical conquests in History.
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Although the Ayyubids are a hybrid family, the state is a Turkish state in all aspects. Two eulogies written to Selahattin Eyyubi are clearly indicated. One of them is the following couplets in the work named "Müferricü'l Kürûb" written due to the conquest of Aleppo:
"The Arab nation was glorified with the state of the Turks. The case of Ehl-i Salib (crusaders) was devastated by the son of Ayyub. "
Another ode is the following verses in the work named "Fevâtu'l Vefeyât" written on the occasion of the conquest of Akkâ:
"Praise be to God that the Crusader state was devastated. Islam has been glorified with the Turks! "
…
Selahattin Eyyubi's ancestors first appeared in Basra. Basra is one of the cities established after the Kadisiye victories. Among the immigrants who came and settled here during the governorship of Muğire bin Shu'be, there are also Ravvadis from Yemen. Selahattin's first known ancestors migrated from Yemen to Basra, and comes from the Ezd tribe, who are praised in hadith-i sharifs.
Two generations later, in 758, their main name is called Ravvad bin el Müsenna al-Ezdi. During this period, they were taken from Basra by the Abbasid Caliph Abu Ja'far al Mansur and settled in lower Azerbaijan with his tribe. Selahattin's ancestors are now in Tabriz region. Ravvadis are Sunni. Therefore, they confuse with the Sunni Hezbâniyye Kurds, not with the Shiite Azeris.
They live in Duvin, also known as Ecdânakan town of Dvin. Today, Dvin, which is in the territory of Armenia, still preserves its feature of being a historical place. This is where Selahattin Eyyubi's first Arab ancestors first mixed with the Kurds.
They buy and give girls from Hezbâniyye Kurds who have settled in this region before. Kinship ties develop. Four generations later, the Ravvadis regard themselves as a branch of the Hezbaniye tribe.
Revvâdîs who mixed with Hezbâniyye Kurds and became Kurds, XI. In the second half of the century, they entered the service of the Seljuks and gradually became a mixture of Arab-Kurdish-Turkish.
Seljuk Sultan Muhammed Tapar in the first conquest periods of Islam in Anatolia; it makes them return to Iraq again. They settle in Tikrit castle, 80 km north of Baghdad, where there are wet and fertile lands. The main reason for this immigration is to avoid harassment and oppression of Christians, Russians, Abaza and Georgians. By migrating back to Iraq, they find both a safe and comfortable environment and large pastures for herds.
Sultan; He first brought Selahattin's grandfather Marwan and his father Şazi to the Governorship of Tikrit due to the harmony, obedience and ability of the Ravvadis. Ravvadis serve the people fairly and the state sincerely.
About Selahattin Eyyubi, there is also that Arab poets of the time did not know his Arab origin and praised him as a “Turk”. In an ode written for Selahattin after the conquest of Aleppo, it is stated as follows:
“… The state of the Turks and the Arab nation were exalted. The attack of Ahli Salib was devastated by the hand of Eyyub's son ... "
German Emperor II. While Wilhelm visited Jerusalem and its surroundings under Ottoman rule, he also visited Selahattin in Umayyad Mosque in Damascus. By printing a visit plaque on his behalf, he expresses his admiration by saying "I am here in front of the grave of Sultan Selahattin, the most heroic soldier of all time".
Bidaye ve'n Nihaye, Ibn Kesir Ebu'l Fida Ismail b. Ömer, (nsr. C.J. Tomberg), I-XII, Beirut, 1965
al Kamil fi't History, Ibn Esir, Beirut-1995
Müferricü'l Kürûb Fî Ahbâri Beni Ayyub, Ibn Vâsıl, thk. Cemâleddîn al-Febbâl, Cairo-1953.
Fevatü'l Vefeyât, Abu Abdillâh Saâhuddîn Muhammed b. Shakir b. Ahmed al-Kutubi, Daru'l Kutbi'l Ilmiyye, Beirut-2000
Saladin: The Politics of Holy War, M.C. Lyons and D.E.P. Jackson, Cambridge-1982
Ayyubid Architechture, Terry Allen, Chapter 3, California- 2003
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@-_--vx5hz
Eastern Romans were referred to as the Roman Empire (Rum) in all Turkic and Arabic sources. Medieval Turks and Arabs knew that they had nothing to do with Hellenic peoples. Even this is enough to refute the nonsense invented by the ultra-nationalist Greeks to portray the state as Greek. The Greeks often resort to such lies to hide that they have always been ruled by others throughout history. And also, the Roman Empire was a single state, a state called eastern rome or byzantine is not mentioned in historical documents. “Imperum Romanum” is always the official name of the state. (Not Imperium Grecum ;) ) Also, the Greeks are trying to steal not only the late Roman empire, but even the Pontus kingdom, which has nothing to do with them 🤣 The Romans really put an end to Hellenism and made you a "nothing" in history.
Saying eastern Romans were Greeks is completely bs and misinterpretation, it equals to saying Pontus Empire, Kushan Empire, Sultanate of Rum were also Hellenic empires or Chinggisid Empire, Chagatai Khanate and Ilkhanates were Turkic empires…
The Qur'an includes the Surat Ar-Rum, the sura dealing with "the Romans", sometimes translated as "The Byzantines," reflecting a term now used in the West. These Romans of the 7th century, referred to as Byzantines in modern Western scholarship, were the inhabitants of the surviving Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire. Since all ethnic groups within the Roman empire had been granted citizenship by 212 AD, these eastern peoples had come to label themselves Ρωμιοί or Ῥωμαῖοι Romaioi (Romans), using the word for Roman citizen in the eastern lingua franca of Koine Greek. This citizenship label became "Rûm" in Arabic.
The Eastern Roman, or Byzantine, Empire traced its origin as an institution to the foundation of Constantinople as the new capital of the Roman Empire in 330 by Constantine the Great. The Byzantine Empire survived the 5th century, when the Western Roman Empire fell, more or less intact and its populace continually maintained that they were Romaioi (Romans), not Hellenes (Greeks), even as the empire's borders gradually became reduced to in the end only encompassing Greek-speaking lands.
Nicol 1992, p. ix.
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Indeed, when Isma‘il captured Tabriz in 1501 he proclaimed himself in pre-Islamic Iranian political terms as Padishah-i Iran. In using the Persian term “Padishah,” to describe his status in “Iran,” he was repeating pre-Islamic Iranian political and geographical/political terminology that had only recently been revived by the Il-Khanid Mongols and used also by the Aq Quyunlu.
His invocation of these terms suggests he thought of himself as a political heir of hismatrilineal relatives, the Aq Quyunlu. The ancient term “Iran” had fallen out of use following the Arab-Muslim invasions and had not been used by the Caliphs, or their successors, the Samanids, or the many Turkic dynasties that succeeded them.
A final irony of Isma‘il’s use of the term “Iran,” or in one of his poems the phrasemulk-i ‘Ajam, the “state” or “kingdom of Iran,” is that even though Tabriz, Azerbaijan, and Mesopotamia represented provinces of the pre-Islamic Shahanshahs, the “kings of Kings” of Iran, there is no evidence that Isma‘il imagined himself to be reconstituting a new Iranian empire; rather he planned to establish a messianic Shi‘i state on Aq Quyunlu foundations.
Within the decade following his capture of Tabriz in 1501, Isma‘il occupied the geographic center of the pre-Islamic Achaemenid and Sasanian Iranian empires. He did so, though, with Oghuz tribes whose knowledge of the Shah-nama and the glories of pre-Islamic Iranian kingship was almost certainly limited to inchoate oral traditions.
Isma‘il was reconstituting the Aq Quyunlu state in these conquests, and like that of the Aq Quyunlu, the ultimate focus of his ambitions was eastern Anatolia, where his father and grandfather and he himself had proselytized among the Turks.
Dale, S. (2009). The rise of Muslim empires. In The Muslim Empires of the Ottomans, Safavids, and Mughals (New Approaches to Asian History, pp. 48-76). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511818646.005
They may have been Iranians or Turks, or even of Kurdish or Arabic origin, but their appeal was religious rather than ethnic or tribal. Devotion to the Safavid order was widespread among the Türkmen tribes of Azarbayjan and Anatolia. Safavid followers wore a distinctive red turban and were known as Qizilbash, or “red-heads.” The Safavid order was both Sufi and Shiite in orientation, and it is thanks to the Safavids that Iran is a Shiite country today.
Religious overtones aside,in most other respects theirs was a typical turkish dynasty.
As late as the 1660s and 1670s, a Frenchman at the Safavid court could still write: “Turkish is the language of the armies and of the court; one speaks nothing but Turkish there, as much among the women as among the men, throughout in the seraglios of the great; this comes about because the court is originally of the country of this language, descended from the Türkmens, of whom Turkish is their native tongue.
Jeroen Duindam (2016). Dynasties: A Global History of Power, 1300–1800. Cambridge University Press. p. 136. ISBN 978-1-107-06068-5.
The Qājār dynasty, descended from a tribe whose early traces in Iran date to the eleventh century, held the reins of power until 1925. Much like the Safavids, they were Turkmen and spoke Turkish: their ethnic group of about 10,000 people led a nomadic life in northern Iran when it conquered the principalities that had fought over the Iranian plateau after the death of Nāder Shāh (1747).
Richard, Y. (2019). Iran under the Qajars. In Iran: A Social and Political History since the Qajars (pp. 1-17). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
MY interest in Shāh Ismā'īl's poetry was aroused thirty-six years ago, when from my Ahl-i Ḥaqq friends I learnt that the Khāṭu'ī mentioned in one of their hymns was no lessa person than the founder of the Ṣafavi dynasty: Khatā'ī-dä nāṭiq oldï, Türkistanïn pīri oldï “(Godhead) came to speech in the person of Khatā'ī, (who) became the pīr of the Turks (of Āzarbāyjān)”, according to the explanation given to me.
Minorsky, V. (1942). The Poetry of Shāh Ismā'īl I. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 10(4), 1006-1029.
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@SD-SD-SD fort comme un turc [adj]
très fort ; vigoureux ; robuste ; costaud
Origin and definition
Today, a Turk is just another human being. And even if there are Turks who hold world records in weightlifting, nothing seems to justify calling a Turk more strong than a Greek, a Monegasque or a Chinese.
But we must not forget the history of Turkey.
Before this country became what it is today, there was the Ottoman Empire built by a people of warriors through conquests in Europe, Africa and Asia. These Turkish or Ottoman fighters impressed by their strength, their courage and also their brutality, their cruelty.
Thus in the 17th and 18th centuries, the Turk symbolized the unbeliever, the brutal enemy. It was also said of someone who was rude and ruthless that he was "a real Turk" and to treat someone "Turkish" was to treat him unceremoniously.
The expression originated in the mid-15th century, shortly after the capture of Constantinople (ancient Byzantium and present-day Istanbul) by the troops of Sultan Mehmet II in 1453.
Examples
“I have two, sir, who, without vanity, could be presented to the pope, especially my eldest, who is a pretty bit of a girl. I am raising her to be a countess, although her mother does not want it.
How old is she, sir, this future countess?
But she is approaching fifteen years old: already that is a fathom taller for you, nice, fresh as an April morning, agile, uncoupled, sprightly, and above all strong as a Turk.
Devil ! these are good dispositions for being a countess.
Oh ! her mother may say so, she will be. »
Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra - Don Quixote of La Mancha
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@SpartanLeonidas1821 It seems impossible that enslaved women could endure the long trip from the Mediterrean to Central India in early Antiquity, a distance of 4,000 miles or over 1000 hours of walking according to google maps. Yet Greek and Roman records of slave acquisitions, sales, or trade with India set against mentions of Greek or Yavana (western) women in Indian harems reveal that it was possible, even normal, to transport captive Greek women to India. This paper will use Sanskirt, Pali, and Prakrit texts to analyze how these Greek female slaves were viewed and used as elite slaves in Indian society.
A Prakrit text, Antagada-dasio, describes a royal Jain household which included Greek ‘Yavana’women as household slaves along with many other ethnicities as early as the 5th century BCE-The Persian Era. These women were described wearing their ethnic clothing and communicating in sign language showing that ethnic diversity was valued by royals. Greek/western women appear in other Indian sources from antiquity mentioning Greek female slaves serving as harem attendants and as female units of armed body guards that surrounded the ruler in and outside of the harem walls. Did using women in quasi-military units result from the Amazon legends that followed Alexander the Great into India? Other sources hint that numerous Greek women worked in India as topless dancers, entertainers, musicians, and courtesans. The Greek women in texts give a view of multi-ethnic elite female slavery in ancient India. Their racial and ethnic differences made them exotic. The distant peoples that they represented demonstrated their owner’s imperial ambitions. Greek slaves, whether used as concubines, courtesans, or personal body guards, provided prestige for Indian rulers who used female slaves to demonstrate their imperial ambitions and sophistication.
The Prestige Makers: Greek Slave Women in Ancient India Kathryn A. HainLink to Orcid Journal of World History University of Hawai'i Press Volume 31, Number 2, June 2020 pp. 265-294
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The whole of Greece was under foreign rule for many centuries,starting with the Roman conquest in the second century BC. What distinguishes the Ionian Islands from the rest of Greece is that, with some exceptions, they did not form part of the Ottoman Empire, while the rest of the Greek world was under Ottoman rule for anything between two hundred and five hundred years. The fact that these islands were ruled by Catholics rather than Muslims has made them strikingly different from the rest of Greece, in language, music, costume, cuisine and architecture.
Hirst, A. and Sammon, P., 2014. The Ionian Islands. p.2.
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@SpartanLeonidas1821
The Macedonians were a neighboring people in the northern Aegean who spoke a language that was similar to Greek yet apparently unintelligible to Greek speakers. After long existence as an Aegean backwater, Macedonia emerged in the mid-fourth century BC to become the most powerful state in the region and eventually the entire eastern Mediterranean world. Over time Greek colonization and military hegemony in the wider Aegean resulted in Hellenic cultural diffusion: the process of assimilation was slow, but by the early fourth century BC the Macedonian royal court had made several significant advances. With its dispersed rural population Macedonia also possessed a greater capacity for military manpower than any individual Greek city-state. Were these resources ever harnessed by an effective king, Macedonia's potential as an Aegean power was considerable.
A Short History of the Ancient World by Nicholas K. Rauh (Author), Heidi E. Kraus (Author), John C. Hill (Contributor) p.167
The Macedonians were probably not Greek; scholars are still unsure whether the Macedonian language was an archaic dialect of Greek or an altogether separate language.
The Greeks certainly viewed the Macedonians as barbarians, although the Greeks allowed them to participate as “Greeks” in the Olympic games beginning in the fifth century B.C.E. Unlike the Greeks, the Macedonians were mostly rural folk and were organized in tribes, not city-states.
Western Civilization: A Brief History 9th Edition by Jackson J. Spielvogel (Author) p.74
Macedon advanced neighbors but capable of learning from them and ultimately of conquering them. Though rich in resources and manpower, Macedon lacked the relatively efficient organization of the polis. Several dialects of Greek were spoken, some unintelligible to southern Greeks, who considered Macedonians "barbarians" (from the Greek barbaros, meaning "a person who does not speak Greek"). Ordinary Macedonians lived hardy lives, while the king and the royal court inhabited a sophisticated capital city, Pella, where they sponsored visits by leading Greek artists and writers. Philip II confounded Greek stereotypes of Macedonian barbarism by turning out to be a brilliant soldier and statesman. He was tough and seemingly unstoppable.
Cengage Advantage Books: Western Civilization: Beyond Boundaries, Volume II 7th Edition by Thomas F. X. Noble (Author), Barry Strauss (Author), Duane Osheim (Author), Kristen Neuschel (Author), Elinor Accampo (Author) p.91
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Polemarch
They were Turks and their empires in Europe,Middle eastern and central asia before 1000 AD kid😂😂😂
Like Khazars,Bulgars,Huns,Göktürks,Avar khaganate etc.
Greeks were under the Roman Empire,Persian Empire,Ottoman Empire,Seljuk Empire,Bulgar Khaganate,Second Bulgarian Empire,German Prussian rulers etc.😂😂😂🤣🤣🤣
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Although the Ayyubids are a hybrid family, the state is a Turkish state in all aspects. Two eulogies written to Selahattin Eyyubi are clearly indicated. One of them is the following couplets in the work named "Müferricü'l Kürûb" written due to the conquest of Aleppo:
"The Arab nation was glorified with the state of the Turks. The case of Ehl-i Salib (crusaders) was devastated by the son of Ayyub. "
Another ode is the following verses in the work named "Fevâtu'l Vefeyât" written on the occasion of the conquest of Akkâ:
"Praise be to God that the Crusader state was devastated. Islam has been glorified with the Turks! "
…
Selahattin Eyyubi's ancestors first appeared in Basra. Basra is one of the cities established after the Kadisiye victories. Among the immigrants who came and settled here during the governorship of Muğire bin Shu'be, there are also Ravvadis from Yemen. Selahattin's first known ancestors migrated from Yemen to Basra, and comes from the Ezd tribe, who are praised in hadith-i sharifs.
Two generations later, in 758, their main name is called Ravvad bin el Müsenna al-Ezdi. During this period, they were taken from Basra by the Abbasid Caliph Abu Ja'far al Mansur and settled in lower Azerbaijan with his tribe. Selahattin's ancestors are now in Tabriz region. Ravvadis are Sunni. Therefore, they confuse with the Sunni Hezbâniyye Kurds, not with the Shiite Azeris.
They live in Duvin, also known as Ecdânakan town of Dvin. Today, Dvin, which is in the territory of Armenia, still preserves its feature of being a historical place. This is where Selahattin Eyyubi's first Arab ancestors first mixed with the Kurds.
They buy and give girls from Hezbâniyye Kurds who have settled in this region before. Kinship ties develop. Four generations later, the Ravvadis regard themselves as a branch of the Hezbaniye tribe.
Revvâdîs who mixed with Hezbâniyye Kurds and became Kurds, XI. In the second half of the century, they entered the service of the Seljuks and gradually became a mixture of Arab-Kurdish-Turkish.
Seljuk Sultan Muhammed Tapar in the first conquest periods of Islam in Anatolia; it makes them return to Iraq again. They settle in Tikrit castle, 80 km north of Baghdad, where there are wet and fertile lands. The main reason for this immigration is to avoid harassment and oppression of Christians, Russians, Abaza and Georgians. By migrating back to Iraq, they find both a safe and comfortable environment and large pastures for herds.
Sultan; He first brought Selahattin's grandfather Marwan and his father Şazi to the Governorship of Tikrit due to the harmony, obedience and ability of the Ravvadis. Ravvadis serve the people fairly and the state sincerely.
About Selahattin Eyyubi, there is also that Arab poets of the time did not know his Arab origin and praised him as a “Turk”. In an ode written for Selahattin after the conquest of Aleppo, it is stated as follows:
“… The state of the Turks and the Arab nation were exalted. The attack of Ahli Salib was devastated by the hand of Eyyub's son ... "
German Emperor II. While Wilhelm visited Jerusalem and its surroundings under Ottoman rule, he also visited Selahattin in Umayyad Mosque in Damascus. By printing a visit plaque on his behalf, he expresses his admiration by saying "I am here in front of the grave of Sultan Selahattin, the most heroic soldier of all time".
Bidaye ve'n Nihaye, Ibn Kesir Ebu'l Fida Ismail b. Ömer, (nsr. C.J. Tomberg), I-XII, Beirut, 1965
al Kamil fi't History, Ibn Esir, Beirut-1995
Müferricü'l Kürûb Fî Ahbâri Beni Ayyub, Ibn Vâsıl, thk. Cemâleddîn al-Febbâl, Cairo-1953.
Fevatü'l Vefeyât, Abu Abdillâh Saâhuddîn Muhammed b. Shakir b. Ahmed al-Kutubi, Daru'l Kutbi'l Ilmiyye, Beirut-2000
Saladin: The Politics of Holy War, M.C. Lyons and D.E.P. Jackson, Cambridge-1982
Ayyubid Architechture, Terry Allen, Chapter 3, California- 2003
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ATRAK and TURKIYYA as relating to the Ottomans and their Like in the Mamlük Sources
The names turk and atrak as designating the Mamlüks have lasted up to the very end of the Mamlük sultanate. The Ottomans, their state, and their lands have other names in the Mamlük sources. Even during their conquest of Syria and Egypt the Ottomans are called Uthmaniyya, rüm (or arwüm), and quite frequently taräkima or turkmän."
However, atrāk and turkiyya in connection with the Turkish speaking peoples and their lands in and about Anatolia do appear in those sources, albeit very rarely. Already Ibn Fadl Allah al-Umari, in the first half of the fourteenth century, speaks about mamlakat al-atrak bil-rum and bilad al-aträk bil-rüm. A later historian of the mid-fifteenth century, Ibn Taghribirdi, calls those lands al-turkiya, biläd al-turkiyya, and barr al-turkiyya, in connection with the import of wood and flour from Iljün and the supplying by sea of the Mamluk forces fighting the Turkmen Shāh Siwar.¹
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lovelyartin
%99 of your claims are lies like your fake history😅😅😅first turkic alphabet is tiele turkic origin and old bulgarians are turkic.croats,bulgarians and serbians are %100 slavic origin it is for sure
Bulgars (Turkic bulgha-'to mix, stir up, disturb', i.e. 'rebels') A Turkic tribal union of the Pontic steppes that gave rise to two important states: Danubian Balkan Bulgaria (First Bulgarian Empire, 681–1018) and Volga Bulgaria (early 10th century–1241). They derived from Oghuric-Turkic tribes, driven westward from Mongolia and south Siberia to the Pontic steppes in successive waves by turmoil associated with the Xiungnu and subsequently by warfare between the Rouran/Avar and northern Wei states. in Oliver Nicholson, The Oxford Dictionary of Late Antiquity, Oxford University Press, 2018, ISBN 0192562460, p. 271.
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The Ottomans never broke off from their Turkishness They were born as Turks They grew up and died The recruits also those who did not drop their languages Why do you not see Orestes, Onegesius, Aremmel, Scotta etc next to Attila? It is written that it is given to the Turks and raised. These men are more Turkic than you. Again, the method of mankurtization was famous in the pre-Islamic Turks. It can be called a different model of re-used mankurtization. He also defends if Plato, one of the great philosophers. Likewise, Nizamülmülk is the same. The Ottoman Devshirme System The greatest example of Cultural Imperialism is to excommunicate the Valide sultans from Turkishness. For such a thing to happen, it is necessary to go back to the ages before Christ. Mo-tu Yabgu proposes to the Chinese queen. Chinese İçing Hatun married father and two sons and three Göktürk kagan. If we think in terms of the Valide, the German kings should not have been German but French Napoleon should have been Italian. But today it can only be laughed at. The British, who do not even speak English, adopt the death of Arslan Heart (!) Richard. Apart from that, Valide sultans knew Turkish. There were even those who wrote Turkish poems. Hoca Sâdeddin Efendi: In the eyes of the enemy, he would be a brave Turkish soldier like Efrasyâp, the Turkish soldier whose victories were shadowed 1.Murad Han: I hope I will show him Turkish mastery when I arrive. . In fact, whether the Osmanoğulları came from Turks or Turks from Osmanoğulları, it cannot be distinguished. Our Ottoman Haned is not a custom-made dynasty that was invited from Europe or the land for a state. It is personally institutional and loyal. 2. Abdülhamit: I am Turkish, I will remain Turkish. 5.Mehmed Reşad: I am the Ottoman Sultan, the Caliph of Islam, but first of all, I am the Turkish Hakan. Barbaros Hayreddin Pasha: These Arabs do not know the art of war. They think that looting in the desert is the same as fighting as an army. While the Spanish infidel, who knows the art of war, has always been defeated by the Turkish levent, it is not known by what reason these Arab tribes will appear before the Turks and become miserable. Because in them, human life is very worthless. Instead of knowing their worship, they say 'everything is from God' and die stupidly. There are expressions praising Turkishness among Ottoman historians. For example, Aşıkpaşazâde, while describing Süleyman Pasha, says "The age of the Turks became a Turk". While Hodja Sadeddin describes the Ottoman conquests in his work, he praises the Turkish army with expressions such as "Turkish valiant", "Turkish soldiers who overshadowed their victories". Mehmed Neşrî, in his book, became angry when Murad I invited the Serbian King to the new war and expresses that the sultan was proud of Turkishness by saying "I hope I show him Turkish masculinity". In the work titled Gazavât-ı Sultan Murad, it is emphasized that "the war pioneer of the Turkish soldier, how the infidels who previously spoke forward against the Turks could not stand and fled". Tâcizâde Cafer Çelebi referred to the Ottoman soldiers in the period of Fatih as the "Muzaffer Turkish Army". Solakzade, one of the historians of the 17th century, positively refers to the Turkish name in its historical place and refers to Cem Sultan as "the son of the Turk who conquered Constantinople, the son of the Turkish sultan". Gelibolulu Mustafa Ali, one of the greatest historians of the 16th century, describes the Turkish tribes in the history of the world named "Künhü'l-Ahbâr" and mentions these as "elite nation, beautiful ummah". When Tahsin Pasha mentions the Söğüt Regiment in his memoirs, he mentions it as "the Karakeçili squadron, whose blood is circulating with the clean and blessed blood of the Turkish generation". Apart from these, such positive expressions can be found in the works of many Ottoman historians. Apart from salads, there is an emphasis on Turkishness in many of our poets. The Ottomans always accept as the successor of Oğuz Han. There is also evidence showing that there is a Turkish consciousness in the palace. Today we have many Uighur Turkish texts thought to have been written in the period of Fatih. In the field of miniature, it is obvious instead of the Uighurs. In addition, Bostancı aghas and kazask specialists, who could speak privately to the sultan, were made up of Turks. Again, 131 sheikhs served in Ottoman history from 1425 to 1922. 122 of them are Egyptian, Turkish. Reîsülküttâblar and marksmen may have more than 40 Turkish and more than 20. 54 of them may be Turkish and 27 of them may be Turkish. Again, more than 100 (some of them possible) of the most important positions are of Turkish origin. There is even the phenomenon of Turkishness in the recruited. Pargali Ibrahim Pasha told the envoy of Ferdinand, "How sharp and how far the Turks have penetrated their weapons, because many times on how many of you are." he said. The captains and levend in the Ottoman geography of Algeria were all Turks. Barbaros established a janissary system in Algeria. However, this was different from the one in Istanbul. Among the Ottoman rulers, Murat II is the greatest Turkist. His translation and copyright has been published in many books. He was Turkish scholar, poet, etc. Yazicioglu Ali Efendi's Tevarih-i Al-i Selcuk. U, Danişmendname of Molla Arif, Hüsrev and Şirin by Şeyhî and Kabusname of Mercimek Ahmet are among the important sources of the period. Murat II is an open supporter of Turkish. He found the Turkish of Kabusnâme's translation before Mercimek Ahmet badly. the annex was repeated to Ahmet. There is a calendar in 1297 in the manuscripts in Sulaymaniyah. This calendar is an English calendar presented to Murat II. This calendar was royalty in 843. In this calendar, the rulers of Chingiz lineage such as Chingiz, Ögedey, Küyük, Mengü and Hülegü were remembered with respect. Another aspect of this calendar is that it commemorates two rival principalities such as Karaman and Kadı Burhanettin with respect. Bedizzaman Mirza, the son of the ruler of Turkistan, Hüseyin Baykara, sat on the throne for a while after the death of his father, but when the Timurid dynasty was destroyed, he came to Istanbul via Iran and became the guest of Yavuz Sultan Selim. Yavuz gives great compliments to Bediuzzaman Mirza. Until he died in Istanbul from an epidemic in 1516, he was revered, and in a rumor, it is said that Yavuz Sultan Selim seated Bediuzzaman Mirza on the throne he had placed with him. During the reign of Yavuz Sultan Selim, an alliance was made between the Ottoman and Turkestan khanates against the Safavids, and even the ruler of Turkistan, Şeybani Han, was killed in the war with Shah Ismail. The Safavids dominated Turkistan for a while. Körkünçü Han, which was the Özbek Han, ended this domination. The first official correspondence between the Ottoman Empire and Turkistan coincides with this time. In this first official correspondence, Yavuz Sultan Selim informed the Çaldıran victory with a name to Körkünçü Han. The positive continues in the following periods of Ottoman-Turkistan. Sokullu Mehmet Pasha had considered the Don-Volga project to unite with Turkestan Turks, and the project failed when he appointed an incompetent man to head the project. But the relations are not cut in the continuation. During the reign of Abdulaziz, Yakup Han recognized the metbu and sent help. Prince Abdülkerim Efendi was also seated on the throne of Japan's History Turkistan. The Uyghur Turks rebelled against the Chinese with Abdülkerim Efendi. They had some success. However, the conditions were very unfavorable. Prince Abdülkerim Efendi was assassinated in New York. The Uighurs were very angry with this situation. In addition, when you look at İsmail İsmâil Hâmî Dânişmend's Annotated Ottoman history chronology, the majority of the Ottoman men are Turkish.Also, in the Book of Aşıkpaşazade, it does not emphasize that the Christian soldiers are your army, I guess you do not know the Sıpah, you do not know the Ottoman Army, the Suvari part Nerade, all the Turkish Type Infantry, even the sultan's guard. Sipahis are unique and Turkish. Even in the Histories of Western Universities, the Ottoman Empire is described as the imperialist state of the Turks. It is mentioned that the Ottomans made a Turkish race in the Balkans.
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@Stalker950-l3x fort comme un turc [adj]
très fort ; vigoureux ; robuste ; costaud
Origin and definition
Today, a Turk is just another human being. And even if there are Turks who hold world records in weightlifting, nothing seems to justify calling a Turk more strong than a Greek, a Monegasque or a Chinese.
But we must not forget the history of Turkey.
Before this country became what it is today, there was the Ottoman Empire built by a people of warriors through conquests in Europe, Africa and Asia. These Turkish or Ottoman fighters impressed by their strength, their courage and also their brutality, their cruelty.
Thus in the 17th and 18th centuries, the Turk symbolized the unbeliever, the brutal enemy. It was also said of someone who was rude and ruthless that he was "a real Turk" and to treat someone "Turkish" was to treat him unceremoniously.
The expression originated in the mid-15th century, shortly after the capture of Constantinople (ancient Byzantium and present-day Istanbul) by the troops of Sultan Mehmet II in 1453.
Examples
“I have two, sir, who, without vanity, could be presented to the pope, especially my eldest, who is a pretty bit of a girl. I am raising her to be a countess, although her mother does not want it.
How old is she, sir, this future countess?
But she is approaching fifteen years old: already that is a fathom taller for you, nice, fresh as an April morning, agile, uncoupled, sprightly, and above all strong as a Turk.
Devil ! these are good dispositions for being a countess.
Oh ! her mother may say so, she will be. »
Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra - Don Quixote of La Mancha
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In the European cartography of the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries, "Grecia" included Dalmatia, Serbia, Bulgaria, the coastal area of Asia Minor, Albania, and the Aegean islands (Karathanasis 1991, 9). For the Western audience in Germany, Austria, and Hungary, "Greek" (Greek Orthodox) was synonymous with Orthodoxy (Stoianovich 1960, 290). Regardless of their ethnic origins, most Greek Orthodox Balkan merchants of the eighteenth century spoke Greek and often assumed Greek names; they were referred to as "Greeks" in the sense that they were of the "Greek" religion. During the eighteenth century, the ge- ographic dispersion and the urban nature of the Greek ethnie in the Balkan peninsula transformed the "Greeks" into a Balkan urban class (Svoronos 1981, 58). Hence, the "Greeks" were not only the ethnic Greeks but generally included all the Orthodox merchants and peddlers, many of whom were Grecophone or Hellenized Vlachs, Serbs, or Orthodox Albanians.
Roudometof, V. (2001) Nationalism, globalization, and orthodoxy: The social origins of ethnic conflict in the Balkans. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. p.54
Indeed “Greek” was an emic term in the Hellenistic period, referring generally to both the original Greeks and the Hellenized population.
Greek resurrection beliefs and the success of Christianity (with preview) New York: Palgrave Macmillan , 2009 Dag Øistein Endsjø
The Hellenized peoples of the eastern Roman (later Byzantine) Empire consistently referred to themselves as 'Roman' (Romaioi) because, even though they were culturally Greek, they considered themselves a part of the Roman Empire.
Barnett, G. (2017) Emulating alexander: How alexander the great's legacy fuelled Rome's wars with Persia. Barnsley: Pen et Sword Military.
"Like all citizens of the Byzantine Empire. the Greeks were called Romaei Romaioi (i.e. Romans, a hang-over from the days of the Eastern Roman Empire of the 4th to 7th centuries. which gradually became Hellenized and was called the Byzantine Empire, from Byzantium , the old name of the city that was later renamed Constantinople after the Emperor Constantine , who transferred the capital of the Roman Empire from Rome to Byzantium in 330 A.D. ) .
Pappageotes, G.C. (1960) Modern Greek Reader Demotic = Anagnōstikon Dēmotikēs. New York. p.7
I use the term Hellenic in order to differentiate 19th and 20th century national identity in modern Greece from the earlier, not so clear, use of terms like Graikos, Romios and, sometimes, Ellinas, which were all more or less synonymous for the Greek-Orthodox Christians of the Ottoman heartland. Hereafter, I use the term Greek to allude to the ambiguour use of this word (esc) bir contemporani scholar who refer without proper discrimination , to the representatives of the larger Greek - Orthodox Ottoman community , mostly hellenized or Greek - speaking , who probably considered themselves not as Hellenes but simply as " Romaioi " and Christians .
Historein: A review of the past and other stories (1999). Athens, Greece: Nefeli Publishers. p.69
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@ColCoal Early inhabitants of Mongolia were actually Turkic peoples
In the case of Early Pre-Proto-Mongolic, certain loanwords in the Mongolic languages point to early contact with Oghur (Pre-Proto-Bulgaric) Turkic, also known as r-Turkic. These loanwords precede Common Turkic (z-Turkic) loanwords and include:
• Mongolic ikere (twins) from Pre-Proto-Bulgaric ikir (versus Common Turkic ekiz)
• Mongolic hüker (ox) from Pre-Proto-Bulgaric hekür (Common Turkic öküz)
• Mongolic jer (weapon) from Pre-Proto-Bulgaric jer (Common Turkic yäz)
• Mongolic biragu (calf) versus Common Turkic buzagu
• Mongolic siri- (to smelt ore) versus Common Turkic siz- (to melt)
The above words are thought to have been borrowed from Oghur Turkic during the time of the Xiongnu.
Later Turkic peoples in Mongolia all spoke forms of Common Turkic (z-Turkic) as opposed to Oghur (Bulgharic) Turkic, which withdrew to the west in the 4th century. The Chuvash language, spoken by 1 million people in European Russia, is the only living representative of Oghur Turkic which split from Proto Turkic around the 1st century AD.
Words in Mongolic like dayir (brown, Common Turkic yagiz) and nidurga (fist, Common Turkic yudruk) with initial *d and *n versus Common Turkic *y are sufficiently archaic to indicate loans from an earlier stage of Oghur (Pre-Proto-Bulgaric). This is because Chuvash and Common Turkic do not differ in these features despite differing fundamentally in rhotacism-lambdacism (Janhunen 2006). Oghur tribes lived in the Mongolian borderlands before the 5th century, and provided Oghur loanwords to Early Pre-Proto-Mongolic before Common Turkic loanwords.
Golden 2011, p. 31.
Before the rise of Genghis Khan Mongolic was spreading at westward and absorbing Turkic speakers (Janhunen, 2008). During the Mongol expansion, Turkic speakers whose tribes and states had been incorporated into the Mongol empire were so much more numerous than Mongols that, although Mongolian was the language of command, it was Turkic rather than Mongolic speech that was chiefly spread across Central Asia and the central and western steppe.
Antonio Benítez-Burraco, Steven Moran 2018 p.92
The period of Bulghar Turkic influence on Mongolic seems to have lasted until the fourth century, when the Bulghar Turks withdrew to the west. In Southern Siberia, a few cen- turies without Turkic speakers followed, but most of Mongolia was rapidly covered by a population speaking an early form of Common Turkic, the direct ancestor of Old Turkic and all the modern Turkic languages with the exception of Chuvash. Since the Turkic empires of the Türk and Uighur were for most of the time politically superior to the con- temporary linguistic ancestors of the Mongols, Mongolic (Pre-Proto-Mongolic) bor- rowed a layer of Common Turkic elements that can be distinguished by the absence of the specifically Bulgharic features characteristic of the earlier loanwords.
The Mongolic Languages
Juha Janhunen 2003
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The ancient Hellenes were conquered by the Romans . Emperor Justinian destroyed the last vestiges of Hellenic civilisation , and state Christianity created a new civilisation on the ruins of the old .
Koliopoulos, G. and Veremēs, T., 2007. Greece: the modern sequel. London: Hurst & Company, p.242.
Hellenes as they were called, were persecuted by the enforcement of these general rules; Justinian endeavored, above all things, to deprive them of education, and he had the University of Athens closed in 529; at the same time ordering wholesale conversations.
The Cambridge Medieval History volumes 1-5 by John Bagnell Bury, Paul Dalen (Goodreads Author) (Editor)
And there is also evidence that the word 'Hellene' now meant 'pagan', and Justinian did conduct persecutions of Hellenes. The world of Classics in the sixth century was not entirely rosy.
Scott, R., n.d. Byzantine chronicles and the sixth century
And there is also evidence that the word 'Hellene' now meant 'pagan', and Justinian did conduct persecutions of Hellenes.
Scott, R., n.d. Byzantine chronicles and the sixth century.
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The whole of Greece was under foreign rule for many centuries,starting with the Roman conquest in the second century BC. What distinguishes the Ionian Islands from the rest of Greece is that, with some exceptions, they did not form part of the Ottoman Empire, while the rest of the Greek world was under Ottoman rule for anything between two hundred and five hundred years. The fact that these islands were ruled by Catholics rather than Muslims has made them strikingly different from the rest of Greece, in language, music, costume, cuisine and architecture.
Hirst, A. and Sammon, P., 2014. The Ionian Islands. p.2.
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Ottoman Empire was stronger than Spain both economically, politically and geographically.
Capture of Algiers (1516) Ottomans won
Algiers expedition (1541) Ottomans won
Capture of Béjaïa (1555) Ottomans won
Siege of Coron, Ottomans won
Battle of Djerba, Ottomans won
Battle of Formentera, Ottomans won
Raid of the Balearic islands (1558) Ottomans won
Siege of Castelnuovo, Ottomans won
Fall of Tlemcen (1518) Ottomans won
Conquest of Tunis (1574) Ottomans won
Battle of Preveza, Ottomans won
at the same time, the Ottomans were alone in Preveza. But the enemy army Venice, Papal States, Genoa, Spain, Mantua, Malta, Portugal[1][2][3] All of them was part of Holy League but Ottomans won against them.
Also remember Süleyman the Magnificent's Venetian helmet . It was an elaborate headpiece designed to project the sultan's power in the context of the Ottoman–Habsburg rivalry. Meaning The four floors of the Crown also represent Solomon's goal of world conquest—reigning the North, the South, the East, and the West—as well as the Pope's famous triple crown and the Holy Roman Empire two years ago. It was a reference to Charles V, who was crowned as the German Emperor.🙂.''
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By the end of the tenth century, with the Qarākhānid Turks conquering Sāmānid Central Asia and ushering in a millennium of Turkic rule across Iran and much of the Islamic World, the dynamic of the frontier had changed qualitatively.
The Eastern Frontier: Limits of Empire in Late Antique and Early Medieval Central Asia (Early and Medieval Islamic World) Hardcover – June 27, 2019
The new cities were predominantly Muslim , and Iran became one of the most influential regions of Muslim intellectual activity . From around 1000 on the independent Iranian dynasties rapidly gave way to new dynasties of Turkic origin .
Embree, A.T. (1988) Encyclopedia of Asian history. New York: C. Scribner's Sons. P.156
In fact, Turkic-speaking peoples have played a major role in Iranian history, ruling the country from the eleventh century up to the early twentieth. Even today they represent more than a quarter of Iran's population.
Foltz, R. (2016) Iran in world history. Oxford etc.: Oxford University Press. p.61
Homa Katouzian, "Iranian history and politics", Published by Routledge, 2003. p. 128: "Indeed, since the formation of the Ghaznavids state in the tenth century until the fall of Qajars at the beginning of the twentieth century, most parts of the Iranian cultural regions were ruled by Turkic-speaking dynasties most of the time.
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The Zand dynasty, which ruled Iran from 1751 to 1794 , was the first native Iranian regime in almost six hundred years, as opposed to the Turkic and Mongolian sovereigns who until then had governed the land.
Frye, R. (2009). Zand Dynasty. In The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World. : Oxford University Press.
For nearly a thousand years, Iran has generally been ruled by non-Persian dynasties, usually Turkish.
Bosworth, C. (1968). THE POLITICAL AND DYNASTIC HISTORY OF THE IRANIAN WORLD (A.D. 1000–1217). In J. Boyle (Ed.), The Cambridge History of Iran (The Cambridge History of Iran, pp. 1-202). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Zands were the first dynasty of Iranian stock to rule after an interval of nearly a thousand years of Turkish rulers.“12
The Zands in Iran - Richard Nelson Frye
As a century-long westward drive pushed Turkic clan after Turkic clan into the Iranian world, they often merged with it. In the last 1,000 years, most of the dynasties that ruled Iran rose out of Turkish clans — from the Ghaznavids who invaded northern India from their capital Ghazni in the 11th century, to the Seljuks, to the Timurids, to the Safavids and, latterly, to the Qajars.
Turkey Reawakening to Its Vast Iranian Ties By Souren Melikian April 23, 2010 The New York Times.
Among the rulers of Iran, from 1500 to 1925, Karim Khan was the only one who was not of Turkish origin.
Sir Percy Sykes, History of Persia, vol. 3 (3d ed., 1930), and Edward G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia, vol. 4 (1956).
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From this point of view, a large part of the 19 Cypriot historiography did not manage to achieve the substantial for the historian, to use a phrase by Eric Hobsbawm, overcoming of passions and political identities, 20⁰ identities that were of course created at the end or even after the Ottoman period. That is to say, that the national political identity of the Greek and the Turk, the national political ensembles of Greeks and Turks, realities of the post-Ottoman period in Cyprus are projected on the past of the 16th century.
Thus, in 1571 Cyprus was conquered by the Ottomans and for the next three hundred and more years was a part of the Ottoman territory. The Greek Cypriot historiography uses for this transition and generally the entire Ottoman period the term Turkish rule a term that lends a national Turkish identity to Ottomans. A big part of traditional historiography refers to a Turkish state,²¹ mentioning a Turkish government, while correspondingly the conquered are included in another national identity, the Greek, which - and perhaps this is more important - at the time history is written, is in conflict with the Turkish.
Already from the end of the 19th century, Greek Cypriot historiography states that during the Turkish rule "the spirit of the inhabitants fell to a pitiful point and poverty and misery and extreme ignorance, and depression of the national morale covered the island".23 The Orthodox on the island are defined by traditional historiography as a political group since "in the vizier's orders the participant in the defence of Famagusta Greek was a term that was generalised for all Greeks on the island". In relation to the population on the island the Turkish rule mentions that "after the occupation of Cyprus by the Turks the census that took place for tax pur poses revealed that the native Cypriot Greeks aged [...] in this population 20.000 30.000 Turks were added".25 It is also established that "the Turkish occupation brought to Cyprus many radical changes. The Turks supported the Greek population on the island in order not to give the opportunity to the peoples of Europe to be interested in the Cypriots […]”.26
And as it began with a national conflict that is how italso ends, since it is mentioned that “while the Turkish conquerors suppressed andpersecuted the Greeks on the island […]”.27
The existence therefore of a politicalnational group is considered given and every analysis of the Ottoman period func-tions in a way to bring to the forefront or reinforce the existence, even under difficultconditions, of such a group. This expressed the stereotyped view that the Cypriots“managed under the protection of the Church to maintain their religion, language,and national conscience as Greeks”.28
Even when relations are examined on differentlevels, even when they refer to the 17th
century, these are characterised as relationsof the “Greeks and the Turks of Cyprus”.29
In the Turkish Cypriot historiography, the same perception is more or less fol-lowed; history is written under the same terms, the national terms but with one sub-stantial difference: The “Turks on the island” 30
are usually referred to as acomplimentary term of the word Ottomans and are placed on the side of the goodoften contrary to the “Greeks, Greek Cypriots” who are on the opposite side. Thesettlement of the “Turks”on the island is interpreted as something that broughtabout positive results for the entire island 31 and the local Ottoman administration isgenerally whitewashed. In short, Turkish Cypriot historiography also accepts theexistence of national groups. The Church of Cyprus expresses again the Greeks of Cyprus and its activities are mainly targeted against the Turks of Cyprus, 32
whilewithout hesitation the actions of the Prelates of 1600 in Cyprus are combined andidentified with the Akritas plan of the period after the independence. 33
The Prelatesare considered to express not only spiritually but also nationally the Orthodox of Cyprus while institutionally the Church of Cyprus is perceived as warring towardsthe local Turkish administration. 34
The Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot histo-riographies are identified when they project the present on the past, a past howeverthat is perceived and interpreted from a very different national point of view.
Michael, M., Kappler, M. and Gavriel, E., 2009. Ottoman Cyprus. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp.14,15.
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Turks questioned the Egyptians' ability to rule and fight: they used pejorative terms, such as "fallahin," "Tat," or "Miqlaji," in referring to Egyptians, and considered them socially inferior. Salim was the only Ottoman sultan to visit Egypt until the nineteenth century. Egyptians regarded his successors as distant, though generally benevolent, figures. Chroniclers noted their accession to the throne and their deaths, but little else.
Winter, M. (1998). Ottoman Egypt, 1525–1609. In M. Daly (Ed.), The Cambridge History of Egypt (The Cambridge History of Egypt, pp. 1-33). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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Ulan cehaletin içinde yüzüyorsun bi de hAvlarsın bak bakalım Türkçe nerde çince nerde aptal herif
Dillerin Sınıflandırılması, Dil Aileleri
TÜRKÇENİN DÜNYA DİLLERİ ARASINDAKİ YERİ
Kaynak bakımından birbirine yakın olan diller bir aile teşkil ederler.
Dünya dilleri bu şekilde çeşitli dil ailelerine ayrılırlar. Bir dil ailesi tarihin bilinmeyen devirlerinde bir ana dilden çıkan dillerin oluşturduğu topluluktur. Bu diller arasındaki benzerlikler böyle bir varsayımı kuvvetlendirmektedir.
Bir ana dilin yazılı belgeleri olmadığı halde birçok özelliklerini kendisinden türemiş bulunan ailedeki dilleri karşılaştırarak tesbit etmek mümkün olabilmektedir.
Dünyadaki Başlıca Dil Aileleri Şunlardır:
1. Hint-Avrupa Dilleri Ailesi
Hint-Avrupa Dilleri Ailesi
Hint-Avrupa dil ailesi Dünya’nın en büyük dil ailesidir. Yüzlerce dil ve lehçe içerir. Dünyada 2,5 milyarı aşkın kişinin ana dili Hint-Avrupa dil ailesine ait bir dildir. Avrupa’nın en büyük dilleri, Güney ve Batı Asya dilleri, Kuzey ve Güney Amerika ve Okyanusya’da en çok konuşulan diller Hint-Avrupa dilleridir. Günümüzde dünyada en çok konuşulan 20 dilden 12’si Hint-Avrupa dil grubuna aittir. Bunlar İngilizce, İspanyolca, Hintçe, Portekizce, Bengalce, Rusça, Almanca, Fransızca, Marati, İtalyanca, Puncapca ve Urduca’dır.
a) Hint-İran Dilleri: İran, Afgan, Pakistan, Hindistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal dilleri,
b) Slav Dilleri: Rusça, Bulgarca, Lehçe (Polonya), Çekçe, Slovakça, Baltık dilleri,
c) Roman Dilleri (Latinceden türetilmiş diller): İtalyanca, Fransızca, İspanyolca, Portekizce, Rumence…
ç) Cermen Dilleri: İngilizce, Almanca, Felemenkçe, İsveççe, Norveççe…
Bu dillerden başka Yunanca, Arnavutça, Keltçe, Litvanca, Hititçe de Hint-Avrupa Dil Ailesinin Avrupa koluna girer.
2. Hami-Sami Dilleri:
Orta Doğu ve Kuzey Afrika’ya yayılmış çeşitli topluluklarca konuşulan yaklaşık 250 dilden oluşur. Hami ve Sami alt grupları olmak üzere ikiye ayrılır.
a) Hami Dilleri: Eski Mısır dili, Kuşi dili, Libya-Berber dili, Çad dili,
b) Sami Dilleri: Arapça, İbranice (Kenanca), Habeşçe, Akatça.
Bu ailenin yaşayan en önemli dilleri Arapça ve İbranicedir.
3. Bantu Dilleri:
Bantu Dilleri Orta ve Güney Afrika’da yaşayan kabilelerin konuştukları 400’den fazla dilin bütününe verilen addır.
Lingalaca, Lubaca, Kongoca, Swahili (Svahili), Pölce, Susuca, Gurca, Akanca Bantu dilleri grubundandır.
Aslında Bantu’yu bir dil ailesi olarak adlandırmak yanlış olur, çok farklı kurallar içeren diller de bu grubun bir üyesi olabilir. Bantu bölgede konuşulan dillere verilen genel addır. Bantu sözcüğünün ne anlama geldiği konusunda ortak kabul görmüş bir görüş olmasa da bantu birçok Bantu dilinde “insan” anlamına gelir.
4. Çin-Tibet Dilleri:
Çin (Sin) ve Tibet-Burma Dilleri gruplarında yer alan 300 Doğu Asya dilinden oluşur. Çince, Tibetçe, Dzongka, Birmanca, Vietnamca ve Kmerce bu gruba girer.
5. Ural-Altay Dilleri:
Türkçe, Ural-Altay dil ailesinin Altay kolunda yer almaktadır. Ural ve Altay dilleri akrabalığı öteden beri tartışma konusu olmuştur. Ne var ki, genel görüşe göre, bu iki kol tek kaynatan çıkmış, ancak zamanla akrabalık bağları çok zayıflamıştır.
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Cypriot Greek has often been referred to as a dialect of Greek (Contossopoulos, 2000); a variety that is linguistically proximal to Standard Modern Greek (Grohmann and Kambanaros, 2016 Grohmann et al. 2016), which is the official language in the environment our participants acquire language. Although the official language in education and other formal settings is indeed Standard Modern Greek, research has shown the boundaries between the two varieties, Standard Modern Greek and Cypriot Greek, and their distribution across different registers is not straightforward (Grohmann and Leivada, 2012, Tsiplakou et al. 2016). At times mixing is attested without code-switching being in place, while no official characterization has been provided for any of these terms in this specific context. The question arising in this context is whether the attested variants emerging in mixed speech repertoires are functionally equivalent for an individual speaker.
The concept of "competing grammars goes back to Krich 11989, 1991), who proposed that speakers project multiple grammars to deal with ambiguous input This concept has been explicitly connected to the relation between Standard and Cypriot Greek (Papadopo et al. 2014; plaka 2014; Grohman et al 2017)
The two varieties have differences in all levels of linguistic analysis and often monolingual speakers of Standard Modern Greek judge Cypriot Greek as unintelligible. At the same time, Greek Cypriot speakers do not always provide reliable judgments of their own speech since these are often clouded by sociolinguistic attitudes toward using the non-standard variety. Cypriot Greek lacks official codification and its status as a different language/variety is often denied by Greek Cypriots who may downplay the differences between Standard Modern Greek and Cypriot Greek and describe the latter as just an accent (Arvaniti, 2010). As the discussion of the different variants will make clear in the next section, the two varieties have differences across levels of linguistic analysis and these differences vastly exceed the sphere of phonetics or phonology.
All speakers of Cypriot Greek have exposure to Standard Modern Greek through education and other mediums and in this way, they are competent to different degrees in both varieties. We employ the term 'bilectal' (Rowe and Grohmann, 2013, 2014) to refer to the participants of this study, although it is not entirely clear that the varieties they are exposed to are Standard Modern Greek and Cypriot Greek or that they are only two varieties, under the assumption that a continuum is in place. For instance, the term 'Cypriot Standard Greek' (Arvaniti, 2010) has been proposed to refer to an emerging variety that may count as the standard in the context of Cyprus. This would be a sociolinguistically 'high' variety (Ferguson, 1959) that is used in formal settings, although its degree of proximity with Standard Modern Greek is difficult to determine with precision because great fluidity is attested across different settings and geographical areas. At the school environment, for example, one notices the existence of three different varieties: Cypriot Greek, as the home variety that is used when students interact with each other, Standard Modern Greek, as the language of the teaching material, and another standard-like variety that incorporates elements from both varieties, and is present in the repertoire of both the students and the instructors (Sophocleous and Wilks. 2010; Hadjioannou et al., 2011; Leivada et al.. 2017).
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He did not possess the sacral charisma enjoyed by the descendants of FATH ALI SHAH MUHAMMAD SHAH Shah IsmaiI, but he stressed his family's links with the heroic past of the Oghuz, with the migrations of the Turkmens in the days of the Il-Khans and the Aq Quyunlu, and with the age of Qizilbash hegemony. Court chroniclers lent their eloquence to the historicity of this tribal heritage.
Hambly, G. (1991). IRAN DURING THE REIGNS OF FATH ‘Alī SHāH AND MUHAMMAD SHāH. In P. Avery, G. Hambly, & C. Melville (Eds.), The Cambridge History of Iran (The Cambridge History of Iran, pp. 144-173). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
The Qājār dynasty, descended from a tribe whose early traces in Iran date to the eleventh century, held the reins of power until 1925. Much like the Safavids, they were Turkmen and spoke Turkish: their ethnic group of about 10,000 people led a nomadic life in northern Iran when it conquered the principalities that had fought over the Iranian plateau after the death of Nāder Shāh (1747).
Richard, Y. (2019). Iran under the Qajars. In Iran: A Social and Political History since the Qajars (pp. 1-17). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. İ
“The whole world comes from Adam and Eve, and if it is proper for the family of Turanian sovereigns to boast of glory and tend to be proud of greatness, then our branch is from the same root: the clan of Qajar-Noyon is not lower than Mankyt, our tribe is glorious and worthy even higher Saldus, Dzhelair and Uzbek. Praise should be given to the Lord the peacekeeper, that he bestowed the possessions of Turan and Iran, Byzantium and Russia, Chin and Machin, Hatay, Khotan and Hindustan to the great Turkic houses "
В. А. Жуковский, «Древности Закаспийского края. Развалины старого Мерва», с. 89
Fath'ali Shah composed two poems addressed to Abu al-Hasan Khan for this occasion as a gesture of royal honor. The first elaborated on the meaning of the Iranian banner; the sec ond described the picture of the king and the sign of sun on a piece of cloth.21 The second set of verses contains several sun metaphors, but the first set succinctly narrates Fath'ali Shah's notions of the country, himself, and the meaning of signs:
Fath'ali, the Turki Shah, the universe-enlightening Jamshid
The Lord of country Iran, the universe-adorning sun;
Najmabadi, A., 2010. Women with mustaches and men without beards. Berkeley, Calif: Univ. of California Press, p.72.
And now Persia was ruled by an alien tribe of Turkish origin, the members of whom are said to have been unable to speak the language of Iran. Agha Mohammed, the founder of the dynasty, took Tehran for his capital in order to be in touch with the Caspian provinces, which had always declared for the Kajars, and he soon established himself firmly throughout the country.
Sykes, E., 2012. Persia and its People (RLE Iran A). Hoboken: Taylor & amp; Francis, p.33.
All of the chronicles claim Turkic ancestry for the Qajars, although there is discrepancy between the accounts of what exactly that ancestry was, and who the Qajars were actually descended from. Some claimed that the Qajars were descended from a Turk by the name of Qajar Khan, who settled in Iran with Oghuz Khan. They later, it is said, joined the Aq Qoyunlu before eventually joining the Qezelbash confederacy under the Safavids." During the reign of Shah 'Abbas, the Qajars role expanded further, as they were appointed to important offices, including commanders-in-chief (qurchibashi) of the royal guards and governorships of Karabakh and Ganja." Other sources elaborate on the early history of the Qajars and claim that Qajar Khan was a son of Sertaq b. Saba from the Jalayerid tribe. Yet others wrote that the Qajars were descended from Japheth son of Noah, or from Oghuz Khan himself.
Melville, C., 2022. The Contest for Rule in Eighteenth-Century Iran. London: I. B. Tauris & Company, Limited, p.86.
The Qajar dynasty stemmed from Turkic tribal groups that entered the Iranian plateau after the eleventh century. The Qajar tribe achieved histori cal visibility during the Safavid period (1501-1722) as part of the Qizilbash confederacy that brought the Safavids to power. Two of its branches, the Qavanlu and Davallu, emerged as contenders for the throne after the down fall of the Safavids and the assassination of Nadir Shah Afshar in 1747. Almost half a century later, in 1794, Agha Muhammad Khan, from the Qavanlu branch, became the territory's unchallenged ruler, having defeated his diverse Davallu, Afshar, and Zand rivals. He chose the town of Tehran, close to the ancestral home of the Qajar tribe in Gorgan, as his capital.
Many salient features of the kingdom that Agha Muhammad Khan came to rule were similar to those of previous Turkic kingdoms. The military was composed almost entirely of a Turkish-speaking tribal elite and its follow ers. Turkish was the unofficial spoken language of the dynasty's members until the end of the nineteenth century.
Beck, L. and Nashat, G., 2004. Women in Iran from 1800 to the Islamic Republic. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, p.5.
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In the classical Persian literary tradition – the entire vocabulary of which consists of stock phrases and images - "Turk' and 'Tajik' are stand-in terms for easily recognizable social stereotypes: one simple but violent; the other wily but civilized. Rūmi turns this on its head, however, in the following couplet: Attack upon attack came the darkness of night/Be strong like a Turk, not soft like a Tajik' (Yek hamleh va yek hamleh, āmad shab va tārīkī/chosti kon va "Torki' kon, na narmī va ‘Tājīkī'). Often ‘Turk' was also used to refer to the poet's beautiful young (unattainable) beloved, as in the following lines from Sa'di: 'Maybe they'll tell the King/"Your Turk (i.e., your Beloved) has spilled Tajik blood" (Shayad ke be padshah begüyand/Tork-e tö berikht khūn-e Tājīk), or elsewhere, 'Show your Tajik face, not Abyssinian black/That the Heavens may obliterate the face of the Turks' (Ru-ye Tājīkāna-t benmā, tā dagh-e habash/ Asman chehre-ye Torkān yaghma'i keshad).
Since Turkic men often ‘married up’ and started families with Tajik women, the bloodlines tended to become increasingly mixed over the generations. (Recent DNA studies in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan have shown no notable genetic difference between modern Uzbeks and Tajiks.) And since children typically spent their first years within the harem, the influence of Tajik mothers in constructing the identity of their mixed-race children was surely much greater than is admitted in the patriarchal written sources of the time. Military figures in particular often made much of their tough Turkic heritage, even as they sought to demonstrate their own cultivation by speaking Persian
and patronizing Persian courtly culture. The Tajik scribes, for their part, were
naturally required to flatter their patrons, but they flattered themselves as well
in whatever subtle ways they could.
— Richard Foltz, Chapter 4, Tajiks and Turks, The Turk–Tajik symbiosis
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@g-toons7038 according tho who idiot kid🤣🤣🤣
“Previous genetic studies have generally used Turks as representatives of ancient Anatoliana. Our results show that Turks are genetically shifted towards Central Asians, a pattern consistent with a history of mixture with populations from this region. These diversity patterns observed in the PCA motivated formal testing of admixture in Armenians and other regional populations.”
https://www.biorxiv.org/content/biorxiv/early/2015/02/18/015396.full.pdf
“In addition, although some degree of genetic continuity could be expected in Anatolia (i.e. in modern Turks), it should be noted that modern Turks are a hybrid population, comprising of the original Anatolian stock, Turkic people (i.e. of Central Asian ancestry). This is surely reflected in the modern Turkish Y-DNA”
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0179474
Moreover, results pointed out that language in Anatolia might not have been replaced by the elites, but by a large group of people. Therefore, it can be concluded that the observations do not support the elite dominance model of Renfrew (1987 ; 1991).
http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607764/index.pdf
The weight for the migration event predicted to originate from the branch ancestral to East Asia into current-day Turkey was 0.217 (21.7%). Although this implies a major population event from the East to West Asia, we note that these weights are not direct estimates of the migration rates. First, the original contributing populations to the ancestral population in Turkey are not known. For instance, we do not know the exact genetic relationship between current-day East Asian populations and the Turkic speakers from Central Asia who migrated into Anatolia about 1,000 years before present.
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4236450/
(Note:%21.7 doesn’t mean %21.7 Turk)
https://abload.de/img/untitled-1b3k6r.png
https://media.discordapp.net/attachments/747058885797347388/747081098621616188/74270248_151753982884837_667409747107905536_n.png
https://media.discordapp.net/attachments/746376025944096778/784377847082647582/unknown.png
DNA from a 2,000-year-old burial site in Mongolia has revealed new information about the Xiongnu, a nomadic tribe that once reigned in Central Asia. Researchers in France studied DNA from more than 62 skeletons to reconstruct the history and social organization of a long-forgotten culture. Skeletons from the most recent graves also contained DNA sequences similar to those in people from present-day Turkey. This supports other studies indicating that Turkish tribes originated at least in part in Mongolia at the end of the Xiongnu period.
http://www.genomenewsnetwork.org/articles/07_03/ancient.shtml
The people of modern-day Iran and Turkey trace their genetic heritage to the ancient Persians and the Turkic ethnic people, respectively.
https://www.myheritage.com.tr/ethnicities/broadly-west-asian/ethnicity-worldwide-distribution
Historically, the racial classification of the Turkic peoples was sometimes given as "Turanid". Turanid racial type or "minor race", subtype of the Europid (Caucasian) race with Mongoloid admixtures, situated at the boundary of the distribution of the Mongoloid and Europid "great races".[53][54]
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caucasian_race
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f8/G25_PCA_East_Mediterranean.png_-_Anatolia_and_the_surrounding.png
Some malevolent people or people who do not know enough about the subject try to exaggerate the rate of Turks and Armenians in Anatolia. For example, it is possible to encounter people who claim that approximately 50% of Anatolian Turks are of Greek or Armenian origin. However, when the Ottoman Tahrir registers belonging to the years 1520-1530 are examined, it is concretely revealed that even 93% of the Anatolian people belonged to Turkmen tribes and communities. The non-Muslim population ratio of approximately 10% has remained at the same rates in the last periods of the Ottoman Empire. In some parts of Anatolia, with the effect of Islamization, a small number of indigenous people, who were Muslims, were dissolved in the Turks. Moreover relocation and exchange with the separated Greeks and Armenians from Turkey Turkey genetic structure is completely different from the Turks. Although there was a partial change in the demographic structure of eastern Anatolia with the settlement of Kurds in Eastern Anatolia in the 16th century, it was easier for Muslim Turks and Kurds to merge in that region. Since the 19th century, a significant portion of non-Muslim immigration that took place in Turkey Turks (Caucasus and Balkan Turks) reccommended. These also partially affected the existing population and genetic structure.
As a result, his "ethnic Turks", "Turkmen" or "nomads" as a defining Turkey Turkey genetically Central Asians (Turkmenistan) seems to be quite close to the Turkmens. Turkey is quite obvious they resemble each other in the middle compared the genetic structure of Turkish and Turkmen. Turks and Turkmens belong to the Oghuzs in the historical process and show similarities with each other, both in terms of language, culture or ethnicity. you maintain genetic and historical research, Turkey shows that the Turkmen origin, in other words, the Turkish Anatolian Turks.
http://www.haplogruplar.com/turkiye-turklerinin-orta-asyali-turkmenlerle-genetik-akrabaligi/
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Like Sri Lanka at roughly the same time in history , the political organization of this Seljuk empire was feudal and dynastic , not ethnic . The Seljuks used the name Kurdistan to refer to one of their sanjaks , or provinces , extending from Kermanshah to Sinjar , rather than to an ethnic or racial group or region. Unfortunately for the Kurds , Kurdistan became a main battleground between the Seljuk Turks and the Byzantine Empire .
Yet thiss crisis also produced the Kurds ' greatest son , Salah - ed - Din ( or Saladin ) , born in 1137 at Tikrit . Being the Muslim leader who recaptured Jerusalem from the Crusaders , he did not accentuate his Kurdishness; Saladin was not himself a Kurdish tribal leader , as were many of his generals , and the armies he commanded were predominantly Turkish ” ( 67 ) .
Eller, J., 2009. From culture to ethnicity to conflict. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, p.155.
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From this point of view, a large part of the 19 Cypriot historiography did not manage to achieve the substantial for the historian, to use a phrase by Eric Hobsbawm, overcoming of passions and political identities, 20⁰ identities that were of course created at the end or even after the Ottoman period. That is to say, that the national political identity of the Greek and the Turk, the national political ensembles of Greeks and Turks, realities of the post-Ottoman period in Cyprus are projected on the past of the 16th century.
Thus, in 1571 Cyprus was conquered by the Ottomans and for the next three hundred and more years was a part of the Ottoman territory. The Greek Cypriot historiography uses for this transition and generally the entire Ottoman period the term Turkish rule a term that lends a national Turkish identity to Ottomans. A big part of traditional historiography refers to a Turkish state,²¹ mentioning a Turkish government, while correspondingly the conquered are included in another national identity, the Greek, which - and perhaps this is more important - at the time history is written, is in conflict with the Turkish.
Already from the end of the 19th century, Greek Cypriot historiography states that during the Turkish rule "the spirit of the inhabitants fell to a pitiful point and poverty and misery and extreme ignorance, and depression of the national morale covered the island".23 The Orthodox on the island are defined by traditional historiography as a political group since "in the vizier's orders the participant in the defence of Famagusta Greek was a term that was generalised for all Greeks on the island". In relation to the population on the island the Turkish rule mentions that "after the occupation of Cyprus by the Turks the census that took place for tax pur poses revealed that the native Cypriot Greeks aged [...] in this population 20.000 30.000 Turks were added".25 It is also established that "the Turkish occupation brought to Cyprus many radical changes. The Turks supported the Greek population on the island in order not to give the opportunity to the peoples of Europe to be interested in the Cypriots […]”.26
And as it began with a national conflict that is how italso ends, since it is mentioned that “while the Turkish conquerors suppressed andpersecuted the Greeks on the island […]”.27
The existence therefore of a politicalnational group is considered given and every analysis of the Ottoman period func-tions in a way to bring to the forefront or reinforce the existence, even under difficultconditions, of such a group. This expressed the stereotyped view that the Cypriots“managed under the protection of the Church to maintain their religion, language,and national conscience as Greeks”.28
Even when relations are examined on differentlevels, even when they refer to the 17th
century, these are characterised as relationsof the “Greeks and the Turks of Cyprus”.29
In the Turkish Cypriot historiography, the same perception is more or less fol-lowed; history is written under the same terms, the national terms but with one sub-stantial difference: The “Turks on the island” 30
are usually referred to as acomplimentary term of the word Ottomans and are placed on the side of the goodoften contrary to the “Greeks, Greek Cypriots” who are on the opposite side. Thesettlement of the “Turks”on the island is interpreted as something that broughtabout positive results for the entire island 31 and the local Ottoman administration isgenerally whitewashed. In short, Turkish Cypriot historiography also accepts theexistence of national groups. The Church of Cyprus expresses again the Greeks of Cyprus and its activities are mainly targeted against the Turks of Cyprus, 32
whilewithout hesitation the actions of the Prelates of 1600 in Cyprus are combined andidentified with the Akritas plan of the period after the independence. 33
The Prelatesare considered to express not only spiritually but also nationally the Orthodox of Cyprus while institutionally the Church of Cyprus is perceived as warring towardsthe local Turkish administration. 34
The Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot histo-riographies are identified when they project the present on the past, a past howeverthat is perceived and interpreted from a very different national point of view.
Michael, M., Kappler, M. and Gavriel, E., 2009. Ottoman Cyprus. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp.14,15.
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A letter from Nädir to the Ottoman 1129 Sultan Mahmud I addressed Mahmüd as "the world-illuminating light of the Turkmän royal house.30 Avoiding any specific definitions of these ancestral Turkic ties, Nadir appealed to them as a way to reconnect disparate Muslim realms. In its audacity, Nadir's vision resembled Timür's grandiose plans. Both tried to invent the tradition of an imagined unity that had never actually existed, and could, in any case, only be implemented anyway by glossing over irreconcilable differences.
Pfeiffer, J. and Woods, J., n.d. History and historiography of post Mongol Central Asia and the Middle East. pp.338, 339.
Besides territorial integrity, two alternative concepts of sovereignty to replace the crumbling dynastic ideal can be discerned in Nadir Shah's negotiations with the Ottomans in the 1730s. Nadir proposed equal relations based, first, on Ottoman recognition of the legitimacy of Twelver Shiism as a fifth school of orthodox Islamic law. And second, he proposed something akin to an ethnic or national concept - equal relations based on Nadir Shah's identity as a member of the noble Turkmen family of peoples."
Howard, D. (2017). A History of the Ottoman Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp.192
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In the classical Persian literary tradition – the entire vocabulary of which consists of stock phrases and images - "Turk' and 'Tajik' are stand-in terms for easily recognizable social stereotypes: one simple but violent; the other wily but civilized. Rūmi turns this on its head, however, in the following couplet: Attack upon attack came the darkness of night/Be strong like a Turk, not soft like a Tajik' (Yek hamleh va yek hamleh, āmad shab va tārīkī/chosti kon va "Torki' kon, na narmī va ‘Tājīkī'). Often ‘Turk' was also used to refer to the poet's beautiful young (unattainable) beloved, as in the following lines from Sa'di: 'Maybe they'll tell the King/"Your Turk (i.e., your Beloved) has spilled Tajik blood" (Shayad ke be padshah begüyand/Tork-e tö berikht khūn-e Tājīk), or elsewhere, 'Show your Tajik face, not Abyssinian black/That the Heavens may obliterate the face of the Turks' (Ru-ye Tājīkāna-t benmā, tā dagh-e habash/ Asman chehre-ye Torkān yaghma'i keshad).
Since Turkic men often ‘married up’ and started families with Tajik women, the bloodlines tended to become increasingly mixed over the generations. (Recent DNA studies in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan have shown no notable genetic difference between modern Uzbeks and Tajiks.) And since children typically spent their first years within the harem, the influence of Tajik mothers in constructing the identity of their mixed-race children was surely much greater than is admitted in the patriarchal written sources of the time. Military figures in particular often made much of their tough Turkic heritage, even as they sought to demonstrate their own cultivation by speaking Persian
and patronizing Persian courtly culture. The Tajik scribes, for their part, were
naturally required to flatter their patrons, but they flattered themselves as well
in whatever subtle ways they could.
— Richard Foltz, Chapter 4, Tajiks and Turks, The Turk–Tajik symbiosis
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From this point of view, a large part of the 19 Cypriot historiography did not manage to achieve the substantial for the historian, to use a phrase by Eric Hobsbawm, overcoming of passions and political identities, 20⁰ identities that were of course created at the end or even after the Ottoman period. That is to say, that the national political identity of the Greek and the Turk, the national political ensembles of Greeks and Turks, realities of the post-Ottoman period in Cyprus are projected on the past of the 16th century.
Thus, in 1571 Cyprus was conquered by the Ottomans and for the next three hundred and more years was a part of the Ottoman territory. The Greek Cypriot historiography uses for this transition and generally the entire Ottoman period the term Turkish rule a term that lends a national Turkish identity to Ottomans. A big part of traditional historiography refers to a Turkish state,²¹ mentioning a Turkish government, while correspondingly the conquered are included in another national identity, the Greek, which - and perhaps this is more important - at the time history is written, is in conflict with the Turkish.
Already from the end of the 19th century, Greek Cypriot historiography states that during the Turkish rule "the spirit of the inhabitants fell to a pitiful point and poverty and misery and extreme ignorance, and depression of the national morale covered the island".23 The Orthodox on the island are defined by traditional historiography as a political group since "in the vizier's orders the participant in the defence of Famagusta Greek was a term that was generalised for all Greeks on the island". In relation to the population on the island the Turkish rule mentions that "after the occupation of Cyprus by the Turks the census that took place for tax pur poses revealed that the native Cypriot Greeks aged [...] in this population 20.000 30.000 Turks were added".25 It is also established that "the Turkish occupation brought to Cyprus many radical changes. The Turks supported the Greek population on the island in order not to give the opportunity to the peoples of Europe to be interested in the Cypriots […]”.26
And as it began with a national conflict that is how italso ends, since it is mentioned that “while the Turkish conquerors suppressed andpersecuted the Greeks on the island […]”.27
The existence therefore of a politicalnational group is considered given and every analysis of the Ottoman period func-tions in a way to bring to the forefront or reinforce the existence, even under difficultconditions, of such a group. This expressed the stereotyped view that the Cypriots“managed under the protection of the Church to maintain their religion, language,and national conscience as Greeks”.28
Even when relations are examined on differentlevels, even when they refer to the 17th
century, these are characterised as relationsof the “Greeks and the Turks of Cyprus”.29
In the Turkish Cypriot historiography, the same perception is more or less fol-lowed; history is written under the same terms, the national terms but with one sub-stantial difference: The “Turks on the island” 30
are usually referred to as acomplimentary term of the word Ottomans and are placed on the side of the goodoften contrary to the “Greeks, Greek Cypriots” who are on the opposite side. Thesettlement of the “Turks”on the island is interpreted as something that broughtabout positive results for the entire island 31 and the local Ottoman administration isgenerally whitewashed. In short, Turkish Cypriot historiography also accepts theexistence of national groups. The Church of Cyprus expresses again the Greeks of Cyprus and its activities are mainly targeted against the Turks of Cyprus, 32
whilewithout hesitation the actions of the Prelates of 1600 in Cyprus are combined andidentified with the Akritas plan of the period after the independence. 33
The Prelatesare considered to express not only spiritually but also nationally the Orthodox of Cyprus while institutionally the Church of Cyprus is perceived as warring towardsthe local Turkish administration. 34
The Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot histo-riographies are identified when they project the present on the past, a past howeverthat is perceived and interpreted from a very different national point of view.
Michael, M., Kappler, M. and Gavriel, E., 2009. Ottoman Cyprus. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp.14,15.
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They may have been Iranians or Turks, or even of Kurdish or Arabic origin, but their appeal was religious rather than ethnic or tribal. Devotion to the Safavid order was widespread among the Türkmen tribes of Azarbayjan and Anatolia. Safavid followers wore a distinctive red turban and were known as Qizilbash, or “red-heads.” The Safavid order was both Sufi and Shiite in orientation, and it is thanks to the Safavids that Iran is a Shiite country today.
Religious overtones aside,in most other respects theirs was a typical turkish dynasty.
As late as the 1660s and 1670s, a Frenchman at the Safavid court could still write: “Turkish is the language of the armies and of the court; one speaks nothing but Turkish there, as much among the women as among the men, throughout in the seraglios of the great; this comes about because the court is originally of the country of this language, descended from the Türkmens, of whom Turkish is their native tongue.
Jeroen Duindam (2016). Dynasties: A Global History of Power, 1300–1800. Cambridge University Press. p. 136. ISBN 978-1-107-06068-5.
The Qājār dynasty, descended from a tribe whose early traces in Iran date to the eleventh century, held the reins of power until 1925. Much like the Safavids, they were Turkmen and spoke Turkish: their ethnic group of about 10,000 people led a nomadic life in northern Iran when it conquered the principalities that had fought over the Iranian plateau after the death of Nāder Shāh (1747).
Richard, Y. (2019). Iran under the Qajars. In Iran: A Social and Political History since the Qajars (pp. 1-17). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
MY interest in Shāh Ismā'īl's poetry was aroused thirty-six years ago, when from my Ahl-i Ḥaqq friends I learnt that the Khāṭu'ī mentioned in one of their hymns was no lessa person than the founder of the Ṣafavi dynasty: Khatā'ī-dä nāṭiq oldï, Türkistanïn pīri oldï “(Godhead) came to speech in the person of Khatā'ī, (who) became the pīr of the Turks (of Āzarbāyjān)”, according to the explanation given to me.
Minorsky, V. (1942). The Poetry of Shāh Ismā'īl I. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 10(4), 1006-1029. doi:10.1017/S0041977X00090182
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Hellenic states of the Seleucids, Macedonia, Achaean League, Aetolian League, Kingdom of Pergamon, Ptolemaics etc. all got destroyed by Roman Empire which resulted as ending of Hellenistic era and post Roman Greece was basically a playground for Romans, Turks, Slavs, Albanians, Thracians, Illyrians, Armenians, Italians and Germanic peoples as we all know
Hellenic rule in Greece broadly ended with the Roman conquest of Greece resulting with a dominant Roman, Turkic, and Germanic rule whereas only 3 short lived Hellenic dynasties, Komnenids, Angelids and Laskarids, managed to rule Grece
Foreign rule in Greece;
Achaemenid dynasty (Iranic)
Nerva–Antonine dynasty (Italic)
Severan dynasty (Punic)
Gordian dynasty (Celtic)
Decian dynasty (Illyrian)
Valerian dynasty (Italic)
Caran dynasty (Illyrian)
Constaninian dynasty (Illyrian)
Valentinian dynasty (Illyrian)
Theodosian dynasty (Hispanian)
Leonid dynasty (Thracian)
Justinian dynasty (Illyrian)
Heraclian dynasty (Armenian)
Isaurian dynasty (Armenian)
Nikephorian dynasty (Arabic)
Dulo dynasty (Turkic)
Krum’s dynasty (Turkic)
Amorian dynasty (Jewish)
Macedonian dynasty (Armenian)
Phokas dynasty (Armenian)
Doukid dynasty (most likely Armenian)
Diogenes dynasty (most likely Armenian)
Principality of Arbanon (Albanian)
Principality of Valona (Slavized Turkic)
Duchy of the Archipelago (Italian)
Kingdom of Cyprus (Germanic)
Kingdom of Thessalonica (Germanic)
Empire of Thessalonica (most likely Armenian)
Latin Empire (Germanic)
Asenid dynasty (Slavized Turkic)
Duchy of Athens (French)
Duchy of Neopatras (Spanish)
Marquisate of Bodonitsa (Germanic)
Lordship of Argos and Nauplia (Germanic)
Lordship of Salona (Germanic)
Lordship of Chios (Italian)
Knights Hospitaller of Rhodes (Germanic)
Principality of Achaea (French)
Palaiologos dynasty (most likely Italic)
Nemanjic dynasty (Slavic)
Despotate of Arta (Albanian)
Despotate of Ioannia (Albanian)
League of Lezhe (Albanian)
Vojivonic dynasty (Slavic)
Venetian dominions in Greece (Italian)
Principality of Lesbos (Italian)
Kingdom of Candia (Italian)
Kingdom of Ioanian Islands (Italian)
Kingdom of the Morea (Italian)
Triarchy of Negroponte (French)
Ottoman dynasty (Turkic)
Pashalik of Berat (Albanian)
Pashalik of Yanina (Albanian)
Pashalik of Scutari (Albanian)
Septinsular Republic (Italian)
House of Wittelsbach (Germanic)
United States of the Ionian Islands (Germanic)
Principality of Samos (Slavic)
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The writer uses the ambiguous term “Hellene,” which generally means “pagan” in Byzantine Greek. Plethon and his followers used the term almost to the exclusion of all others when referring to their own countrymen.
Nagy., 2003. Modern Greek Literature. Taylor & Francis, p.30.
" In its final centuries , the Byzantine Empire was also called " Romania . " Remnants of this Roman heritage are still evident in such terms as " Rum " and " Rumeli .
Georgius, Philippides, M. and Macarius, 1980. The fall of the Byzantine empire. Amherst, MA: Univ. of Massachusetts Pr., p.2.
Given Gennadios ' strong religious and traditional orientation , one would expect him to adhere carefully to the traditional Byzantine nomenclature wherein Hellene signified pagan and Rhomaios Byzantine .
Ćurčić, S. and Mouriki, D., 2019. The Twilight of Byzantium. Princeton: Princeton University Press, p.9.
And there is also evidence that the word 'Hellene' now meant 'pagan', and Justinian did conduct persecutions of Hellenes.
Scott, R., n.d. Byzantine chronicles and the sixth century.
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Again Koraes' careful rhetoric, which matches his self-projection, seems to be in play; his classifications of“Greek slavery under the Romans” and “Greek slavery under the Ottomans” are closely linked a few lines below: Modern Greeks could justifiably boast more than Plutarch's contemporaries, when freed from the yoke of the savage tyrant, compared to which the Roman yoke could rightly be considered a luxury, and after they gain their freedom, they are willing to maintain it...16
Xenophontos, S., 2019. Brill's companion to the reception of Plutarch. Leiden: Brill, p.551.
The whole of Greece was under foreign rule for many centuries,starting with the Roman conquest in the second century BC. What distinguishes the Ionian Islands from the rest of Greece is that, with some exceptions, they did not form part of the Ottoman Empire, while the rest of the Greek world was under Ottoman rule for anything between two hundred and five hundred years. The fact that these islands were ruled by Catholics rather than Muslims has made them strikingly different from the rest of Greece, in language, music, costume, cuisine and architecture.
Hirst, A. and Sammon, P., 2014. The Ionian Islands. p.2.
Au contraire , with the introduction of Christianity the Greeks of old Hellas , who in part had remained heathen , ranked as second - class citizens ; with the introduction of Christianity the Greeks of old Hellas , who in part had remained heathen , ranked as second - class citizens ; the word “ Hellene " in Byzantium had meant the same as " barbarian " since the third century . The representatives of Byzantium who spoke koine and who called themselves Rhomaioi ( " Romans ' , i.e. ' East Romans ' and not Greeks ), did not bother very much about the rural Greek-speaking popu-lation of Old Hellas, who spoke a tongue drawn from the dialects and sharply diverging from the high reputation of the koine.
Décsy, G. (2000) The linguistic identity of Europe. Bloomington, IN: Eurolingua. p..203
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As late as the 1660s and 1670s, a Frenchman at the Safavid court could still write: “Turkish is the language of the armies and of the court; one speaks nothing but Turkish there, as much among the women as among the men, throughout in the seraglios of the great; this comes about because the court is originally of the country of this language, descended from the Türkmens, of whom Turkish is their native tongue.”7
Chase, K. (2003). Eastern Islamdom. In Firearms: A Global History to 1700 (pp. 112-140). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511806681.006
The Iranians thought the Turks coarse and uncouth, lacking any appreciation for poetry and the other fine arts. The Turks, on the other hand, looked down on the Persians as effete and unable to pacify and protect their own country. This conflict is said by one recent commen- tator to have been a major cause for the collapse of the regime. The Safavid emperors were never able to integrate the two types into a coherent, unified governing system."
Blake, S. (1991). Courtly and popular culture. In Shahjahanabad: The Sovereign City in Mughal India 1639–1739 (Cambridge South Asian Studies, pp. 122-160). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Because of their military prowess , the Qizilbash regarded the principal offices of the Safavid state as their natural due . In their eyes the functions of a Tajik ( a pejorative term for non - Turk ) were “ to look after the accounts and divan business .
Blake, S., 1999. Half the World: The Social Architecture of Safavid Isfahan, 1590-1722
Costa Mesa, Calif.: Mazda Publishers, p.7.
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Ottoman eastern Anatolia was populated by a large number of Shiites-an inviting audience to the Safavids. Shah Ismail, an ethnic Turcoman, like much of the population of these Ottoman provinces, reached out to the Shiites with a message of revolt. Difficult to rule on the best of days, the nomadic Turcoman tribes idolized Shah Ismail, undermining Ottoman authority over entire areas of Anatolia. En- couraged by Shah Ismail, insubordination grew into an uprising in 1511.
Rashba, G.L. (2013) Holy wars: 3,000 years of battles in the holy land. Havertown, PA: Casemate Publishers, p. 130.
This list of qualities reads like a catalogue of all that he found wanting in the Persians he met.29 His view was that Persia had no real nobility; by that he ruled out the Turkman military élite which had monopolized all the pro- vincial governments and most of the important offices since Safavid rule began at the beginning of the sixteenth century. He was contemptuous of their aristocratic pretensions; their coarse, ignorant behaviour confirmed their origins as mere soldiers of fortune and Turkish at that. Persians-real Persians who lived under that intolerable subjection, and could trace their descent back beyond the Turkman supremacy-he saw in a different light.30 This was not simply a reflection of della Valle's snobbish concern with pedigree; there was still a marked distinction between these different elements in Safavid society.
Pietro della Valle: The Limits of Perception J. D. Gurney Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Vol. 49, No. 1, In Honour of Ann K. S. Lambton (1986), pp. 103-116 (14 pages) Published By: Cambridge University Press
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Saladin and his army conquered Jerusalem and made war in the Middle East as an alien power - alien in religion from the Christian majority and both ethnically and culturally alien from the indigenous Greek-, Armenian-, Syriac- (that is, Aramaic-) and Arabic-speaking population. Saladin himself was a Turkified Kurd who began his career serving the Seljuk Turks, who were invaders from Central Asia, and his 19 army at Jerusalem was Turkish, though with a Kurdish element. The Turks looked down on the Arabs whose rule in the Middle East they had replaced, and the Arabs viewed the Turks with bitter contempt; nor is there much evidence of the Arab knights learning Turkish, the language of their military overlords, nor that the Turks learned much Arabic' 20
Haag, M., n.d. The tragedy of the Templars.
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Almost nothing is now known of Osman, founder of the House of Osman, the man remembered as the first of the Ottoman sultans. “Osman Bey appeared,” stated a laconic chronograph, later. No one knows when or where he was born, and for a long time not a single artefact existed that could be confidently dated to his lifetime. Now two coins have come to light, one in a private collection in London and the other in the Istanbul Archaeological Museum, inscribed Osman ibn Ertugrul.4 Even his name is the subject of some controversy. The Greek historian Pachymeres,5 who gave us the description of the Sangarius flood and is the one contemporary writer to mention Osman’s name, did not call him Osman at all but rather Ataman. The surprising notion that Osman had another name finds support in two later sources, one an armchair geography written around 1350 in Arabic and the other a biography of the Muslim saint Haji Bektash, circa 1500. Ataman is a Turkish name or maybe Mongol, while Osman is impeccably Muslim, the Turkish form of the Arabic ‘Uthman – as in the companion of the Prophet Muhammad, the third Caliph of Islam. This has led to some suspicion that our Osman, or Ataman, the Ottoman, might have been born a pagan, that he may have taken his new name Osman later when he became a Muslim. But if this were true, if Osman were indeed a convert to Islam who changed his name, why would his sons have kept their genuinely Turkish names, who were Muslims beyond any doubt?6 From what Pachymeres wrote, about the only thing we can surmise of the Turk he called Ataman is that he was a warrior. With the Sangarius (Sakarya) River raids and the victory at Bapheus, Turkish warriors came from far and wide to join him.7 Ataman laid siege to Nicaea and, though he was not able to take the city, subjected the surrounding area to raids, killing many, taking some captive, the tur ish flood 9 and scattering the rest. He did take several other fortresses and fortified towns in the Sangarius valley, using them to store his plunder.
Howard, D. (2017). A History of the Ottoman Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press., pp 8-9
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@Anarshyyyy ATRAK and TURKIYYA as relating to the Ottomans and their Like in the Mamlük Sources
The names turk and atrak as designating the Mamlüks have lasted up to the very end of the Mamlük sultanate. The Ottomans, their state, and their lands have other names in the Mamlük sources. Even during their conquest of Syria and Egypt the Ottomans are called Uthmaniyya, rüm (or arwüm), and quite frequently taräkima or turkmän."
However, atrāk and turkiyya in connection with the Turkish speaking peoples and their lands in and about Anatolia do appear in those sources, albeit very rarely. Already Ibn Fadl Allah al-Umari, in the first half of the fourteenth century, speaks about mamlakat al-atrak bil-rum and bilad al-aträk bil-rüm. A later historian of the mid-fifteenth century, Ibn Taghribirdi, calls those lands al-turkiya, biläd al-turkiyya, and barr al-turkiyya, in connection with the import of wood and flour from Iljün and the supplying by sea of the Mamluk forces fighting the Turkmen Shāh Siwar.¹
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Ottoman legitimacy drew on Turco-Mongol and Islamic precedents. Fleischer sees the Ottoman Empire as a 'unique, if not aberrant, phe nomenon' in Islamic history due to its emphasis on natural justice and the central role of the Ottoman dynasty as rulers of a defined geographic sphere (Fleischer, 1986: 253). The sixteenth-century Ottoman theorists Ebu's-Su'ud and Mustafa Ali upheld broadly similar theses for the legiti macy of the Ottomans which included the manipulation of their lineage to indicate their descent from Oghuz, the eponym of the Ghuzz Turks, their inheritance of Muslim lands from the Seljuk Turks and their dedica tion to justice, understood as a religious, universal concept (Imber, 1997: 73-4; Fleischer, 1986: 282, 287-8). Although the Ottomans adopted a more obviously Islamic profile after their conquest of the Arab lands, including the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, in the early sixteenth century, a distinction remained between religion and the state/dynasty (din-ü-devlet) which was also apparent in the Ottomans' dual legal sys tem based on the Shari'a and 'state' kamun, despite the close partnership between the two.
Secular attitudes derived from the Turco-Mongol heritage were also qualified by the tendency among Ottoman political theorists of dis cussing international relations using the medieval dar al-islam/dar al-harb formulation and its concomitant, jihad or ghaza. This reflected the ori gins of the Ottoman Empire as a Turkic warrior principality on the frontiers of Byzantium which led generations of Ottoman sultans to style themselves 'holy warriors' (ghazis) until the Empire's demise in the 1920s. Their conquest of the Balkans and Aegean peninsula was legitimised in terms of jihad against the infidel, and their conquest of Constantinople was celebrated as the culmination of the Islamic conquests which had begun in the seventh century. In much advice literature of the sev enteenth and eighteenth centuries, the need to continue the jihad and expand the Ottoman Muslim domain in order to restore the inner vital ity of the Empire is a recurrent trope alongside more practical suggestions for reform.
International Society and the Middle East: English School Theory at the Regional Level (Palgrave Studies in International Relations) 2009th Edition by B. Buzan (Editor), A. Gonzalez-Pelaez (Editor) p.55
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@SpartanLeonidas1821
Hellenic states of the Seleucids, Macedonia, Achaean League, Aetolian League, Kingdom of Pergamon, Ptolemaics etc. all got destroyed by Roman Empire which resulted as ending of Hellenistic era and post Roman Greece was basically a playground for Romans, Turks, Slavs, Albanians, Thracians, Illyrians, Armenians, Italians and Germanic peoples as we all know
Hellenic rule in Greece broadly ended with the Roman conquest of Greece resulting with a dominant Roman, Turkic, and Germanic rule whereas only 3 short lived Hellenic dynasties, Komnenids, Angelids and Laskarids, managed to rule Grece
Foreign rule in Greece;
Achaemenid dynasty (Iranic)
Nerva–Antonine dynasty (Italic)
Severan dynasty (Punic)
Gordian dynasty (Celtic)
Decian dynasty (Illyrian)
Valerian dynasty (Italic)
Caran dynasty (Illyrian)
Constaninian dynasty (Illyrian)
Valentinian dynasty (Illyrian)
Theodosian dynasty (Hispanian)
Leonid dynasty (Thracian)
Justinian dynasty (Illyrian)
Heraclian dynasty (Armenian)
Isaurian dynasty (Armenian)
Nikephorian dynasty (Arabic)
Dulo dynasty (Turkic)
Krum’s dynasty (Turkic)
Amorian dynasty (Jewish)
Macedonian dynasty (Armenian)
Phokas dynasty (Armenian)
Doukid dynasty (most likely Armenian)
Diogenes dynasty (most likely Armenian)
Principality of Arbanon (Albanian)
Principality of Valona (Slavized Turkic)
Duchy of the Archipelago (Italian)
Kingdom of Cyprus (Germanic)
Kingdom of Thessalonica (Germanic)
Empire of Thessalonica (most likely Armenian)
Latin Empire (Germanic)
Asenid dynasty (Slavized Turkic)
Duchy of Athens (French)
Duchy of Neopatras (Spanish)
Marquisate of Bodonitsa (Germanic)
Lordship of Argos and Nauplia (Germanic)
Lordship of Salona (Germanic)
Lordship of Chios (Italian)
Knights Hospitaller of Rhodes (Germanic)
Principality of Achaea (French)
Palaiologos dynasty (most likely Italic)
Nemanjic dynasty (Slavic)
Despotate of Arta (Albanian)
Despotate of Ioannia (Albanian)
League of Lezhe (Albanian)
Vojivonic dynasty (Slavic)
Venetian dominions in Greece (Italian)
Principality of Lesbos (Italian)
Kingdom of Candia (Italian)
Kingdom of Ioanian Islands (Italian)
Kingdom of the Morea (Italian)
Triarchy of Negroponte (French)
Ottoman dynasty (Turkic)
Pashalik of Berat (Albanian)
Pashalik of Yanina (Albanian)
Pashalik of Scutari (Albanian)
Septinsular Republic (Italian)
House of Wittelsbach (Germanic)
United States of the Ionian Islands (Germanic)
Principality of Samos (Slavic)
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Hellenic states of the Seleucids, Macedonia, Achaean League, Aetolian League, Kingdom of Pergamon, Ptolemaics etc. all got destroyed by Roman Empire which resulted as ending of Hellenistic era and post Roman Greece was basically a playground for Romans, Turks, Slavs, Albanians, Thracians, Illyrians, Armenians, Italians and Germanic peoples as we all know
Hellenic rule in Greece broadly ended with the Roman conquest of Greece resulting with a dominant Roman, Turkic, and Germanic rule whereas only 3 short lived Hellenic dynasties, Komnenids, Angelids and Laskarids, managed to rule Grece
Foreign rule in Greece;
Achaemenid dynasty (Iranic)
Nerva–Antonine dynasty (Italic)
Severan dynasty (Punic)
Gordian dynasty (Celtic)
Decian dynasty (Illyrian)
Valerian dynasty (Italic)
Caran dynasty (Illyrian)
Constaninian dynasty (Illyrian)
Valentinian dynasty (Illyrian)
Theodosian dynasty (Hispanian)
Leonid dynasty (Thracian)
Justinian dynasty (Illyrian)
Heraclian dynasty (Armenian)
Isaurian dynasty (Armenian)
Nikephorian dynasty (Arabic)
Dulo dynasty (Turkic)
Krum’s dynasty (Turkic)
Amorian dynasty (Jewish)
Macedonian dynasty (Armenian)
Phokas dynasty (Armenian)
Doukid dynasty (most likely Armenian)
Diogenes dynasty (most likely Armenian)
Principality of Arbanon (Albanian)
Principality of Valona (Slavized Turkic)
Duchy of the Archipelago (Italian)
Kingdom of Cyprus (Germanic)
Kingdom of Thessalonica (Germanic)
Empire of Thessalonica (most likely Armenian)
Latin Empire (Germanic)
Asenid dynasty (Slavized Turkic)
Duchy of Athens (French)
Duchy of Neopatras (Spanish)
Marquisate of Bodonitsa (Germanic)
Lordship of Argos and Nauplia (Germanic)
Lordship of Salona (Germanic)
Lordship of Chios (Italian)
Knights Hospitaller of Rhodes (Germanic)
Principality of Achaea (French)
Palaiologos dynasty (most likely Italic)
Nemanjic dynasty (Slavic)
Despotate of Arta (Albanian)
Despotate of Ioannia (Albanian)
League of Lezhe (Albanian)
Vojivonic dynasty (Slavic)
Venetian dominions in Greece (Italian)
Principality of Lesbos (Italian)
Kingdom of Candia (Italian)
Kingdom of Ioanian Islands (Italian)
Kingdom of the Morea (Italian)
Triarchy of Negroponte (French)
Ottoman dynasty (Turkic)
Pashalik of Berat (Albanian)
Pashalik of Yanina (Albanian)
Pashalik of Scutari (Albanian)
Septinsular Republic (Italian)
House of Wittelsbach (Germanic)
United States of the Ionian Islands (Germanic)
Principality of Samos (Slavic)
🤪
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Ottoman legitimacy drew on Turco-Mongol and Islamic precedents. Fleischer sees the Ottoman Empire as a 'unique, if not aberrant, phe nomenon' in Islamic history due to its emphasis on natural justice and the central role of the Ottoman dynasty as rulers of a defined geographic sphere (Fleischer, 1986: 253). The sixteenth-century Ottoman theorists Ebu's-Su'ud and Mustafa Ali upheld broadly similar theses for the legiti macy of the Ottomans which included the manipulation of their lineage to indicate their descent from Oghuz, the eponym of the Ghuzz Turks, their inheritance of Muslim lands from the Seljuk Turks and their dedica tion to justice, understood as a religious, universal concept (Imber, 1997: 73-4; Fleischer, 1986: 282, 287-8). Although the Ottomans adopted a more obviously Islamic profile after their conquest of the Arab lands, including the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, in the early sixteenth century, a distinction remained between religion and the state/dynasty (din-ü-devlet) which was also apparent in the Ottomans' dual legal sys tem based on the Shari'a and 'state' kamun, despite the close partnership between the two.
Secular attitudes derived from the Turco-Mongol heritage were also qualified by the tendency among Ottoman political theorists of dis cussing international relations using the medieval dar al-islam/dar al-harb formulation and its concomitant, jihad or ghaza. This reflected the ori gins of the Ottoman Empire as a Turkic warrior principality on the frontiers of Byzantium which led generations of Ottoman sultans to style themselves 'holy warriors' (ghazis) until the Empire's demise in the 1920s. Their conquest of the Balkans and Aegean peninsula was legitimised in terms of jihad against the infidel, and their conquest of Constantinople was celebrated as the culmination of the Islamic conquests which had begun in the seventh century. In much advice literature of the sev enteenth and eighteenth centuries, the need to continue the jihad and expand the Ottoman Muslim domain in order to restore the inner vital ity of the Empire is a recurrent trope alongside more practical suggestions for reform.
International Society and the Middle East: English School Theory at the Regional Level (Palgrave Studies in International Relations) 2009th Edition by B. Buzan (Editor), A. Gonzalez-Pelaez (Editor) p.55
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In the European cartography of the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries, "Grecia" included Dalmatia, Serbia, Bulgaria, the coastal area of Asia Minor, Albania, and the Aegean islands (Karathanasis 1991, 9). For the Western audience in Germany, Austria, and Hungary, "Greek" (Greek Orthodox) was synonymous with Orthodoxy (Stoianovich 1960, 290). Regardless of their ethnic origins, most Greek Orthodox Balkan merchants of the eighteenth century spoke Greek and often assumed Greek names; they were referred to as "Greeks" in the sense that they were of the "Greek" religion. During the eighteenth century, the ge- ographic dispersion and the urban nature of the Greek ethnie in the Balkan peninsula transformed the "Greeks" into a Balkan urban class (Svoronos 1981, 58). Hence, the "Greeks" were not only the ethnic Greeks but generally included all the Orthodox merchants and peddlers, many of whom were Grecophone or Hellenized Vlachs, Serbs, or Orthodox Albanians.
Roudometof, V. (2001) Nationalism, globalization, and orthodoxy: The social origins of ethnic conflict in the Balkans. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. p.54
Indeed “Greek” was an emic term in the Hellenistic period, referring generally to both the original Greeks and the Hellenized population.
Greek resurrection beliefs and the success of Christianity (with preview) New York: Palgrave Macmillan , 2009 Dag Øistein Endsjø
The Hellenized peoples of the eastern Roman (later Byzantine) Empire consistently referred to themselves as 'Roman' (Romaioi) because, even though they were culturally Greek, they considered themselves a part of the Roman Empire.
Barnett, G. (2017) Emulating alexander: How alexander the great's legacy fuelled Rome's wars with Persia. Barnsley: Pen et Sword Military.
"Like all citizens of the Byzantine Empire. the Greeks were called Romaei Romaioi (i.e. Romans, a hang-over from the days of the Eastern Roman Empire of the 4th to 7th centuries. which gradually became Hellenized and was called the Byzantine Empire, from Byzantium , the old name of the city that was later renamed Constantinople after the Emperor Constantine , who transferred the capital of the Roman Empire from Rome to Byzantium in 330 A.D. ) .
Pappageotes, G.C. (1960) Modern Greek Reader Demotic = Anagnōstikon Dēmotikēs. New York. p.7
I use the term Hellenic in order to differentiate 19th and 20th century national identity in modern Greece from the earlier, not so clear, use of terms like Graikos, Romios and, sometimes, Ellinas, which were all more or less synonymous for the Greek-Orthodox Christians of the Ottoman heartland. Hereafter, I use the term Greek to allude to the ambiguour use of this word (esc) bir contemporani scholar who refer without proper discrimination , to the representatives of the larger Greek - Orthodox Ottoman community , mostly hellenized or Greek - speaking , who probably considered themselves not as Hellenes but simply as " Romaioi " and Christians .
Historein: A review of the past and other stories (1999). Athens, Greece: Nefeli Publishers. p.69
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@brightburnedits4278 In the classical Persian literary tradition – the entire vocabulary of which consists of stock phrases and images - "Turk' and 'Tajik' are stand-in terms for easily recognizable social stereotypes: one simple but violent; the other wily but civilized. Rūmi turns this on its head, however, in the following couplet: Attack upon attack came the darkness of night/Be strong like a Turk, not soft like a Tajik' (Yek hamleh va yek hamleh, āmad shab va tārīkī/chosti kon va "Torki' kon, na narmī va ‘Tājīkī'). Often ‘Turk' was also used to refer to the poet's beautiful young (unattainable) beloved, as in the following lines from Sa'di: 'Maybe they'll tell the King/"Your Turk (i.e., your Beloved) has spilled Tajik blood" (Shayad ke be padshah begüyand/Tork-e tö berikht khūn-e Tājīk), or elsewhere, 'Show your Tajik face, not Abyssinian black/That the Heavens may obliterate the face of the Turks' (Ru-ye Tājīkāna-t benmā, tā dagh-e habash/ Asman chehre-ye Torkān yaghma'i keshad).
Lol
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A letter from Nädir to the Ottoman 1129 Sultan Mahmud I addressed Mahmüd as "the world-illuminating light of the Turkmän royal house.30 Avoiding any specific definitions of these ancestral Turkic ties, Nadir appealed to them as a way to reconnect disparate Muslim realms. In its audacity, Nadir's vision resembled Timür's grandiose plans. Both tried to invent the tradition of an imagined unity that had never actually existed, and could, in any case, only be implemented anyway by glossing over irreconcilable differences.
Pfeiffer, J. and Woods, J., n.d. History and historiography of post Mongol Central Asia and the Middle East. pp.338, 339.
Besides territorial integrity, two alternative concepts of sovereignty to replace the crumbling dynastic ideal can be discerned in Nadir Shah's negotiations with the Ottomans in the 1730s. Nadir proposed equal relations based, first, on Ottoman recognition of the legitimacy of Twelver Shiism as a fifth school of orthodox Islamic law. And second, he proposed something akin to an ethnic or national concept - equal relations based on Nadir Shah's identity as a member of the noble Turkmen family of peoples."
Howard, D. (2017). A History of the Ottoman Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp.192
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@user-Prometheus Cypriot Greek has often been referred to as a dialect of Greek (Contossopoulos, 2000); a variety that is linguistically proximal to Standard Modern Greek (Grohmann and Kambanaros, 2016 Grohmann et al. 2016), which is the official language in the environment our participants acquire language. Although the official language in education and other formal settings is indeed Standard Modern Greek, research has shown the boundaries between the two varieties, Standard Modern Greek and Cypriot Greek, and their distribution across different registers is not straightforward (Grohmann and Leivada, 2012, Tsiplakou et al. 2016). At times mixing is attested without code-switching being in place, while no official characterization has been provided for any of these terms in this specific context. The question arising in this context is whether the attested variants emerging in mixed speech repertoires are functionally equivalent for an individual speaker.
The concept of "competing grammars goes back to Krich 11989, 1991), who proposed that speakers project multiple grammars to deal with ambiguous input This concept has been explicitly connected to the relation between Standard and Cypriot Greek (Papadopo et al. 2014; plaka 2014; Grohman et al 2017)
The two varieties have differences in all levels of linguistic analysis and often monolingual speakers of Standard Modern Greek judge Cypriot Greek as unintelligible. At the same time, Greek Cypriot speakers do not always provide reliable judgments of their own speech since these are often clouded by sociolinguistic attitudes toward using the non-standard variety. Cypriot Greek lacks official codification and its status as a different language/variety is often denied by Greek Cypriots who may downplay the differences between Standard Modern Greek and Cypriot Greek and describe the latter as just an accent (Arvaniti, 2010). As the discussion of the different variants will make clear in the next section, the two varieties have differences across levels of linguistic analysis and these differences vastly exceed the sphere of phonetics or phonology.
All speakers of Cypriot Greek have exposure to Standard Modern Greek through education and other mediums and in this way, they are competent to different degrees in both varieties. We employ the term 'bilectal' (Rowe and Grohmann, 2013, 2014) to refer to the participants of this study, although it is not entirely clear that the varieties they are exposed to are Standard Modern Greek and Cypriot Greek or that they are only two varieties, under the assumption that a continuum is in place. For instance, the term 'Cypriot Standard Greek' (Arvaniti, 2010) has been proposed to refer to an emerging variety that may count as the standard in the context of Cyprus. This would be a sociolinguistically 'high' variety (Ferguson, 1959) that is used in formal settings, although its degree of proximity with Standard Modern Greek is difficult to determine with precision because great fluidity is attested across different settings and geographical areas. At the school environment, for example, one notices the existence of three different varieties: Cypriot Greek, as the home variety that is used when students interact with each other, Standard Modern Greek, as the language of the teaching material, and another standard-like variety that incorporates elements from both varieties, and is present in the repertoire of both the students and the instructors (Sophocleous and Wilks. 2010; Hadjioannou et al., 2011; Leivada et al.. 2017).
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A letter from Nädir to the Ottoman 1129 Sultan Mahmud I addressed Mahmüd as "the world-illuminating light of the Turkmän royal house.30 Avoiding any specific definitions of these ancestral Turkic ties, Nadir appealed to them as a way to reconnect disparate Muslim realms. In its audacity, Nadir's vision resembled Timür's grandiose plans. Both tried to invent the tradition of an imagined unity that had never actually existed, and could, in any case, only be implemented anyway by glossing over irreconcilable differences.
Pfeiffer, J. and Woods, J., n.d. History and historiography of post Mongol Central Asia and the Middle East. pp.338, 339.
Besides territorial integrity, two alternative concepts of sovereignty to replace the crumbling dynastic ideal can be discerned in Nadir Shah's negotiations with the Ottomans in the 1730s. Nadir proposed equal relations based, first, on Ottoman recognition of the legitimacy of Twelver Shiism as a fifth school of orthodox Islamic law. And second, he proposed something akin to an ethnic or national concept - equal relations based on Nadir Shah's identity as a member of the noble Turkmen family of peoples."
Howard, D. (2017). A History of the Ottoman Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp.192
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Turks questioned the Egyptians' ability to rule and fight: they used pejorative terms, such as "fallahin," "Tat," or "Miqlaji," in referring to Egyptians, and considered them socially inferior. Salim was the only Ottoman sultan to visit Egypt until the nineteenth century. Egyptians regarded his successors as distant, though generally benevolent, figures. Chroniclers noted their accession to the throne and their deaths, but little else.
Winter, M. (1998). Ottoman Egypt, 1525–1609. In M. Daly (Ed.), The Cambridge History of Egypt (The Cambridge History of Egypt, pp. 1-33). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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@shiyarkestey8114 Saladin and his army conquered Jerusalem and made war in the Middle East as an alien power - alien in religion from the Christian majority and both ethnically and culturally alien from the indigenous Greek-, Armenian-, Syriac- (that is, Aramaic-) and Arabic-speaking population. Saladin himself was a Turkified Kurd who began his career serving the Seljuk Turks, who were invaders from Central Asia, and his 19 army at Jerusalem was Turkish, though with a Kurdish element. The Turks looked down on the Arabs whose rule in the Middle East they had replaced, and the Arabs viewed the Turks with bitter contempt; nor is there much evidence of the Arab knights learning Turkish, the language of their military overlords, nor that the Turks learned much Arabic' 20
Haag, M., n.d. The tragedy of the Templars.
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@flamurtusha1990 Traditionally scholars have seen the Dacians as ancestors of the mod- ern Rumanians and Vlachs and the Illyrians as the proto-Albanians. Perhaps (keeping in mind the frequent ethnic mixing as well as cultural and linguistic evolution) we should retain this view. However, from time to time these views have been challenged, very frequently for modern nationalistic reasons. For example, if the Illyrians were the ancestors of the Albanians, then the Albanians, as original inhabitants. have some historic right to that region and possibly rights to other regions which had been settled by Illyrians. And their Illyrian ancestry has been very important in Albanian nation-building myths. In the same vein, if the Dacians were proto-Rumanians then they were the original settlers and have historic rights to Rumania, particularly in the mixed region of Transylvania against claims of the late arriving (end of the ninth century) Hungarians. Not surprisingly, Hungarian scholars have been the leading critics of the claim that Dacians are Rumanians and argue that the Vlachs (or Rumanians) arrived in the eleventh and twelfth centuries when Vlachs first appear in the written sources.
Recently the Albanian-Illyrian identification has come under more serious challenge from linguists. Before turning to the arguments, it must be pointed out that Dacian, Thracian, and Illyrian are not only dead languages but languages in which no texts have survived. Thus all that is known about these languages comes from personal and place names mentioned in classical texts or surviving place names (top- onyms). V. Georgiev argues that Illyrian place names are found in a far smaller area than I have given above for Illyrian settlement. Sec- ondly, he argues that, though the Albanians now live in what was Illyria, they themselves come from part of Moesia, from the Morava region of eastern Serbia. This was ethnically a Dacian region and thus he argues for a Dacian ancestry for the Albanians. These conclusions, he believes, are shown by the following: (1) Illyrian toponyms from an- tiquity do not follow Albanian phonetic laws. (2) Most ancient Latin loanwords in Albanian have the phonetic form of East Balkan Latin (i.e., proto-Rumanian) and not West Balkan (i.e., Old Dalmatian) Latin, suggesting the Albanians were descended from the Dacians. (3) The marine terminology in Albanian is borrowed from different lan- guages, suggesting that the Albanians were not originally a coastal people. (4) Few ancient Greek loanwords exist in Albanian; if the Albanians had originated in the Albanian-Epirus region there should be more. (5) There is no reference in any source to Albanians in the Albanian region until the ninth century. (6) Roughly one hundred Rumanian words are similar only to Albanian words, and when this fact is combined with the similar treatment of Latin in Albanian and Rumanian, Georgiev concludes that the Albanians came from what is now Rumania (or the region of Yugoslavia close to modern Rumania) and that their language developed during the fourth to sixth centuries when proto-Rumanian was formed. Rumanian he sees as a completely romanized Dacian-Moesian language whereas Albanian is a semiro- manized Dacian-Moesian language.
These are serious (nonchauvinistic) arguments and they cannot simply be dismissed. Furthermore, during the fourth to sixth centuries the Rumanian region was heavily affected by large-scale invasions of Goths and Slavs, and the Morava valley (in Serbia) was a main inva- sion route and the site of the earliest known Slavic sites. Thus this would have been a region from which an indigenous population would naturally have fled.
However, very little is known about the Dacian and Illyrian lan- guages and that little consists chiefly of certain place names and a few historical personal names. The Albanian language could well pre- serve large numbers of Illyrian features that simply are not known to linguists. The two languages, Dacian and Illyrian, may have been more similar than linguists think. And since the Morava region was near the border between Dacians and Illyrians, through direct contact possibly Illyrian was influenced by the Dacian language. The lack of early references to the Albanians is not significant. The centuries before the ninth are a period of few sources. And, if the Illyrians were proto- Albanians, the argument does not stand because sources mention II- lyrians there earlier. We should also note that Vlachs are not men- tioned anywhere in this period either.
But, though they are not conclusive, the arguments for the Dacian origin of the Albanians have strong points and cannot be summarily dismissed. More evidence is needed which, owing to the nature of our sources, may never be obtained; thus the question may well be one of many in early Balkan history which we may never be able to answer. Moreover, the Albanians did not have a single ancestor in one or the other of these pre-Slavic peoples; the present-day Albanians, like all Balkan peoples, are an ethnic mixture and in addition to this main ancestor they contain an admixture of Slavic, Greek, Vlach, and Romano-Italian ancestry.
In addition to these three Indo-European peoples, each living in its own zone of the pre-Slavic Balkans, other peoples had impact as well. Large numbers of Celts had passed through earlier, leaving their contribution to the gene pool as well as a wide variety of cultural (particularly artistic) influences. Large numbers of Roman veterans were settled in the Balkans (in particular, in what is now Yugoslavia). Different Germanic peoples (Ostrogoths. Visigoths, and Gepids) raided and settled (both on their own and as Roman federate troops) in the Balkans in large numbers over three centuries (third to sixth). And in the towns were merchants, officials, and soldiers, drawn from the whole empire, which included Italians, Germans, Greeks, Arme- nians, and other eastern peoples from Anatolia, Egypt, and Syria.
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@yaqubebased1961 In the classical Persian literary tradition – the entire vocabulary of which consists of stock phrases and images - "Turk' and 'Tajik' are stand-in terms for easily recognizable social stereotypes: one simple but violent; the other wily but civilized. Rūmi turns this on its head, however, in the following couplet: Attack upon attack came the darkness of night/Be strong like a Turk, not soft like a Tajik' (Yek hamleh va yek hamleh, āmad shab va tārīkī/chosti kon va "Torki' kon, na narmī va ‘Tājīkī'). Often ‘Turk' was also used to refer to the poet's beautiful young (unattainable) beloved, as in the following lines from Sa'di: 'Maybe they'll tell the King/"Your Turk (i.e., your Beloved) has spilled Tajik blood" (Shayad ke be padshah begüyand/Tork-e tö berikht khūn-e Tājīk), or elsewhere, 'Show your Tajik face, not Abyssinian black/That the Heavens may obliterate the face of the Turks' (Ru-ye Tājīkāna-t benmā, tā dagh-e habash/ Asman chehre-ye Torkān yaghma'i keshad).
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A letter from Nädir to the Ottoman 1129 Sultan Mahmud I addressed Mahmüd as "the world-illuminating light of the Turkmän royal house.30 Avoiding any specific definitions of these ancestral Turkic ties, Nadir appealed to them as a way to reconnect disparate Muslim realms. In its audacity, Nadir's vision resembled Timür's grandiose plans. Both tried to invent the tradition of an imagined unity that had never actually existed, and could, in any case, only be implemented anyway by glossing over irreconcilable differences.
Pfeiffer, J. and Woods, J., n.d. History and historiography of post Mongol Central Asia and the Middle East. pp.338, 339.
Besides territorial integrity, two alternative concepts of sovereignty to replace the crumbling dynastic ideal can be discerned in Nadir Shah's negotiations with the Ottomans in the 1730s. Nadir proposed equal relations based, first, on Ottoman recognition of the legitimacy of Twelver Shiism as a fifth school of orthodox Islamic law. And second, he proposed something akin to an ethnic or national concept - equal relations based on Nadir Shah's identity as a member of the noble Turkmen family of peoples."
Howard, D. (2017). A History of the Ottoman Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp.192
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A letter from Nädir to the Ottoman 1129 Sultan Mahmud I addressed Mahmüd as "the world-illuminating light of the Turkmän royal house.30 Avoiding any specific definitions of these ancestral Turkic ties, Nadir appealed to them as a way to reconnect disparate Muslim realms. In its audacity, Nadir's vision resembled Timür's grandiose plans. Both tried to invent the tradition of an imagined unity that had never actually existed, and could, in any case, only be implemented anyway by glossing over irreconcilable differences.
Pfeiffer, J. and Woods, J., n.d. History and historiography of post Mongol Central Asia and the Middle East. pp.338, 339.
Besides territorial integrity, two alternative concepts of sovereignty to replace the crumbling dynastic ideal can be discerned in Nadir Shah's negotiations with the Ottomans in the 1730s. Nadir proposed equal relations based, first, on Ottoman recognition of the legitimacy of Twelver Shiism as a fifth school of orthodox Islamic law. And second, he proposed something akin to an ethnic or national concept - equal relations based on Nadir Shah's identity as a member of the noble Turkmen family of peoples."
Howard, D. (2017). A History of the Ottoman Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp.192
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