Youtube hearted comments of PAPAZA TAKLA ATTIRAN İMAM (@papazataklaattiranimam).
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The Qur'an includes the Surat Ar-Rum, the sura dealing with "the Romans", sometimes translated as "The Byzantines," reflecting a term now used in the West. These Romans of the 7th century, referred to as Byzantines in modern Western scholarship, were the inhabitants of the surviving Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire. Since all ethnic groups within the Roman empire had been granted citizenship by 212 AD, these eastern peoples had come to label themselves Ρωμιοί or Ῥωμαῖοι Romaioi (Romans), using the word for Roman citizen in the eastern lingua franca of Koine Greek. This citizenship label became "Rûm" in Arabic.
The Eastern Roman, or Byzantine, Empire traced its origin as an institution to the foundation of Constantinople as the new capital of the Roman Empire in 330 by Constantine the Great. The Byzantine Empire survived the 5th century, when the Western Roman Empire fell, more or less intact and its populace continually maintained that they were Romaioi (Romans), not Hellenes (Greeks), even as the empire's borders gradually became reduced to in the end only encompassing Greek-speaking lands.
Nicol 1992, p. ix.
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It was Turkish military slaves, the Mamluks, coming from the Eurasian steppes, who were successful in stemming the deadly Mongol danger. Complete political, military, and, last but not least, economic power passed into the hands of this new Turkish ruling caste that regenerated itself anew each generation from the outside. It was seen as a sign of particular divine grace and providence that Turks had contained the Mongol avalanche. Turks knew the fighting techniques of their Mongol "cousins" from their common homeland in the steppes of Central Asia. The contemporary Syrian chronicler Abū Shāma rejoiced after the crucial battle of Ayn Jälūt in saying: "It is verily remarkable that the Tatars were broken and destroyed by their own kinsmen, the Turks." Paying his respect to the victorious sultan of Egypt, he continues in a couplet:
The Tatars conquered the lands and there came to them From Egypt a Turk, unmindful of his life. In Syria he destroyed and scattered them. To everything there is a bane of its own kind.
And the triumph of the Turks was compounded by the final expulsion of the Crusaders from the Holy Land; one should notice the wording of a panegyric for Sultan al-Ashraf Khalil after he had conquered, in 690/1291, Acre, the last Crusader stronghold:
Praise be to God, the nation of the Cross has fallen; Through the Turks the religion of the chosen Arabs has triumphed.
The Crusaders had allied themselves to the abominable Mongols, the "vile foe," and had constituted a constant humiliation to Islam for almost 200 years. These exploits immensely enhanced the religious prestige of the Mamluks. The popula- tion of Egypt and Syria gratefully acknowledged their achievements. The folk novel of al-Malik al-Zahir Baybars gives abundant testimony to the general feeling of owing the Mamluks, that is, the Turks, thanks for saving them from an imminent catastrophe.
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About Tengrism in Bulgaria:
There are two direct references to Tangra as a Bulgar deity in the sources. One is found in an Ottoman manuscript where it is stated that the name of god in Bulgarian was “Tängri” (Bułghar dilindžä Tängri der).201 The other is in a badly-damaged inscription (carved on a marble column) which commemorates a sacrifice made by Omurtag“to the god Tangra” (κὲ ἐπύησ]εν θυσ[ήαν ἠς τὸν θεὸ]ν Ταγγραν).202 The inscription was found at the rocky cliff of Madara, a site that is commonly associated with the Tangra cult. It is worth remarking that according to ancient Inner Asian religious traditions, the favour of heaven had to manifest itself in the possession of “sacred mountains”. There the qaghan was thought to be closer to Tängri; he could therefore conduct “privileged conversations with him” and receive or transmit his orders.203 It is not unlikely that the site of Madara played a similar role in Bulgaria.204 To be sure, below the relief of the horseman archaeolo gists unearthed the foundations of a complex comprising of what seems to have been a pagan shrine (built on top of a three-aisled church dated to the sixth and seventh centuries), as well as a building with three divisions, which has been interpreted as a dwelling Amongst other things, it has been sug gested that the latter was a kind of private quarter for the ruler from which he seems to have directed the cult of Tangra, the ceremonial sacrifices and. quite possibly, the collective prayers.
While Tangra is very likely to have been worshiped by certain Bulgar groups/clans before their migration to the Balkans, his promotion to the supreme god of the elite and. in a sense, the official religion of the Proto bulgarian state coincides in time with the gradual centralization of political power, a process that is rightly connected with Krum's and Omurtag's reigns in the early ninth century. Indeed, the ideology associated with the wor ship of Tangra was bound to enhance monarchical rulership. Just as Tangra was the supreme celestial being, the khan-his reflection-was regarded as rightfully the sole sovereign on earth or, at any rate. in the Bulgar state (an idea which finds clear expression in Omurtag's building inscription from Catalar). The ideology of a strong, divinely-sanctioned leadership clearly bears much of the credit for the survival of the khanate during this period. The certainties which this system of beliefs and values presented to the warrior aristocracy, if not to the entire population, the aura of sanctity surrounding the ruler, the awareness of heavenly support granted to military undertakings (an awareness reinforced through the regular performance of religious ritu als and ceremonials while on campaign)." all immeasurably strengthened the unity of the state and the political will of its subjects to survive.
Another factor operative in the transition to Tangrist henotheism at this time may have been the fear of Byzantine imperialism. Foreign influences, as scholars have long pointed out, often paved the way for the adoption of a more sophisticated faith among nomads. However, this was rarely the reli gion of their imperial neighbours, for such a course invariably implied sub mission to the authority of the rulers of these states." The Bulgars, realizing that conversion to Islam or Judaism was not a viable option, and mindful of the influence the Byzantine Church could exercise on the khan's Christian subjects, had little choice but to promote Tangra as their supreme deity." It is important to emphasize that the late eighth/early ninth century marked the period of transition to henotheism only for the upper strata of the Bulgar society. Vigorous polytheism and totemism (i.e. the existence of an intimate, "mystical" relationship between a group or an individual and a natural object), both of which were incapable of furnishing a principle of spiritual (and political) unity, proved to be persistent and strong among the masses." This is also true of shamanism, a complex belief system espe cially common in Central and Inner Asian societies, but also discernible in the khanate in the pre-conversion period. Shamanism has been defined by anthropologists as a technique of ecstasy. By mastering this technique and reaching a state of trance the shaman was able to mediate between the world of humans and that of spirits. He thus functioned as a magician, prophet and healer who, among other things, had to "descend to the underworld" to find and bring back a sick person's soul. Given that most aspects of daily life in Eurasia were directly linked with the spiritual world-for instance. the life-supporting economic activities, from hunting to husbandry to agri culture, were thought to be protected by spirits-the role of the shaman was bound to be extremely important." Before we proceed any further, a piece of essential explanation: shaman ism has been a popular subject of accounts and research since the early eighteenth century. Although it is correctly believed that the shaman's technique of ecstasy and mode of operation are basically uniform through out Central and Inner Asia, it is impossible to construct a uniform model of shamanism as an institution. Further (and partly as a result of the above). it would be perilous to equate the modern "ethnographic shaman" with the religious specialists noted among historical Eurasian peoples. In this light. any attempt to investigate the development of this phenomenon in medieval steppe-nomad societies, including Bulgaria, is bound to be inconclusive. We have only fleeting glimpses of Bulgar shamanism in our sources.
Sophoulis, P., 2011. Byzantium and Bulgaria, 775-831. Leiden: Brill, pp.84, 85, 86, 87.
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In short, it is hard to think of any other ethnolinguistic entity in history that conquered so vast a territory and founded so many empires and states, also contributing to world civilizations. The history of the Turkic peoples was an important factor in world history for more than a millennium until the emergence of Europe as the world's dominant power. What happened in the Turkic world often affected the history of China, Central Asia, the Middle East, South Asia, and Europe. One may also argue that world history began with the "Turko-Mongol" empire created by Chinggis Khan. In the contem- porary world, Turkic-speaking nations form six states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz- stan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, and Turkey/Türkiye) and several "autonomous" units in Russia (the republics of Chuvash, Tatarstan, Bashkor- tostan, Altai, Khakassia, Tuva, and Sakha) and China (the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region). Turkic peoples also reside as minority groups in several other countries, including Mongolia and Iran, among others. It would there- fore be difficult to acquire a comprehensive understanding of world history as well as our present world without studying the history of the Turkic peoples.
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In short, it is hard to think of any other ethnolinguistic entity in history that conquered so vast a territory and founded so many empires and states, also contributing to world civilizations. The history of the Turkic peoples was an important factor in world history for more than a millennium until the emergence of Europe as the world's dominant power. What happened in the Turkic world often affected the history of China, Central Asia, the Middle East, South Asia, and Europe. One may also argue that world history began with the "Turko-Mongol" empire created by Chinggis Khan. In the contemporary world, Turkic-speaking nations form six states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, and Turkey/Türkiye) and several "autonomous" units in Russia (the republics of Chuvash, Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, Altai, Khakassia, Tuva, and Sakha) and China (the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region). Turkic peoples also reside as minority groups in several other countries, including Mongolia and Iran, among others. It would therefore be difficult to acquire a comprehensive understanding of world history as well as our present world without studying the history of the Turkic peoples.
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For the eastern provinces of Byzantium the Persian invasions marked the final break with the secure world of classical antiquity. In the Balkan provinces the break had already taken place. Even during the reign of Justinian the Balkans had been threatened by various Turkic peoples, nomadic Bulgars from the steppes, and much of Justinian's defensive building programme had been directed against their raids. In the second half of the sixth century a new danger arose, that of an alliance between nomadic and more settled peoples. The more settled people were the Slavs, historically well attested but archaeologically difficult to identify, who seem to have moved south in large numbers from the river valleys of central and northern Europe. In south Russia they can perhaps be identified with the culture group who owned the Martynovka Hoard, a collection of silver jewellery whose decoration bears out the agricultural interests of this essentially pastoral people.
The nomadic group under whose influence the Slavs fell were the Avars, one of the fiercest of the Turkic peoples to emerge from the Asian steppes, who had left a trail of destruction from as far afield as China. Their horse burials and characteristic jewellery make them easily identifiable, and though relatively few in number, they seem to have exerted a military hegemony over the more numerous Slavs.
The two groups crossed the Danube in the 580s and seized a succession of Balkan towns and cities, reaching far south into the Peloponnese, until only a few coastal territories were left in Byzantine hands. There was considerable resistance at first, espe cially under the emperor Maurice in the 590s, but when Phocas seized power in 602 he no longer attempted to hold the Danube frontier, and the pace and density of Avar-Slav settlement greatly increased.
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Suetonius's anecdote about Tiberius and Zeno is a fairly banal instance of an ancient author referring to the Greek dialects. As such, it represents a rather low level of awareness of dialectal variation. Several centuries before Suetonius, the Greek historian Herodotus (c. 485-424 BC) was more conscious of Greek diver sification, as he was in a position to distinguish four different varieties of lonic Greek in Asia Minor, part of present-day Turkey. He refers to them as trópous tésseras paragógéön, 'four manners of deviations,', and kharakteres glosses tésseres, 'four distinctions of tongue'.' Herodotus's wording indicates that he could not yet rely on an established conceptual apparatus and a corresponding metalanguage to talk about dialectal diversity. Instead, he had to resort to words lacking an obvious semantic link with language at that time, such as kharakter (xapakтýp), 'character(istic); distinctive mark; stamp', trópos (pónos), 'way; manner', and paragoge (mapayary), which for Herodotus apparently meant something like 'deviation', 'twisting', or 'seduction'. Paragógé did later become a metalinguistic term meaning 'derived form' and 'inflection', whereas the root kharak- featured prominently in later Greek definitions of the term dialektos."
Some generations later, the Athenian general and notoriously difficult histori ographer Thucydides (second half of the fifth century BC) went a little further still by trying to make sense of the different Greek dialects and to characterize their interrelationships. He reported, for instance, on a case of dialect mixture on Sicily (Historiae 6.5.1). The inhabitants of the city of Himera spoke, Thucydides claimed, a variety that occupied a middle ground between Chalcidian lonic and Doric, an assertion for which there is, by the way, no historical evidence (Vassallo 2005: 89). The Athenian historian also mentioned that the Greek spoken by the Aetolians was not understood by other Greeks (Historiae 3.94.5), thus apparently proving that not all varieties of Greek were mutually intelligible.
Van Rooy, R. (2021). Language or Dialect? (p. 16)). Oxford: Oxford University Press USA - OSO.
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Kumyk had been a lingua-franca of the bigger part of the Northern Caucasus, from Dagestan to Kabarda, until the 1930s[11][12][13] and was an official language of communication between the North-Eastern Caucasian nations and the Russian administration.[14]
In 1848, a professor of the "Caucasian Tatar" (Kumyk) Timofey Makarov published the first ever grammatical book in Russian language for one of the Northern Caucasian languages, which was international Kumyk. Makarov wrote:[15]
From the peoples speaking Tatar language I liked the most Kumyks, as for their language's distinction and precision, so for their closeness to the European civilization, but most importantly, I take in account that they live on the Left Flank of the Caucasian Front, where we're conducting military actions, and where all the peoples, apart from their own language, speak also Kumyk.
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For the eastern provinces of Byzantium the Persian invasions marked the final break with the secure world of classical antiquity. In the Balkan provinces the break had already taken place. Even during the reign of Justinian the Balkans had been threatened by various Turkic peoples, nomadic Bulgars from the steppes, and much of Justinian's defensive building programme had been directed against their raids. In the second half of the sixth century a new danger arose, that of an alliance between nomadic and more settled peoples. The more settled people were the Slavs, historically well attested but archaeologically difficult to identify, who seem to have moved south in large numbers from the river valleys of central and northern Europe. In south Russia they can perhaps be identified with the culture group who owned the Martynovka Hoard, a collection of silver jewellery whose decoration bears out the agricultural interests of this essentially pastoral people.
The nomadic group under whose influence the Slavs fell were the Avars, one of the fiercest of the Turkic peoples to emerge from the Asian steppes, who had left a trail of destruction from as far afield as China. Their horse burials and characteristic jewellery make them easily identifiable, and though relatively few in number, they seem to have exerted a military hegemony over the more numerous Slavs.
The two groups crossed the Danube in the 580s and seized a succession of Balkan towns and cities, reaching far south into the Peloponnese, until only a few coastal territories were left in Byzantine hands. There was considerable resistance at first, espe cially under the emperor Maurice in the 590s, but when Phocas seized power in 602 he no longer attempted to hold the Danube frontier, and the pace and density of Avar-Slav settlement greatly increased.
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