Youtube comments of Ryan Chapman (@realryanchapman).

  1. As you can probably tell, this was not a small effort. I spent eight months on this video: five across 2023 and also the first three months of 2024. I hope that it was time well spent. I say this on all of my videos but cannot emphasize it enough here; the only reason I'm able to take on a production like this is because of people who choose to support me either on Patreon or through the membership program here. It's the only way I was able to make a living doing this work throughout the quiet production months. So as always, a huge thank you to all of you doing that. If that's not possible and you still want to support me, consider sharing this with someone who you think might appreciate it. I'm sure criticism will come in and that I'll have notes to add, but for now that's all. Enjoy! Edit: I just wanted to say that I'm touched by the outpouring of support for this video so far. I feel it's best to not be on here constantly replying to comments, but I do see and appreciate it. Thank you. Checking back about 6 months later: as a last note, judging by some comments, videos like this seem to attract - in relatively small numbers, but still - a certain type of person. A type of person who is keen to proclaim that Hitler has been historically wronged, and even that the Second World War should be blamed instead, one way or another, on Jews, and perhaps on democracies. Anything that says otherwise, no matter how well sourced or reasoned, is lies and propaganda. They use slogans like 'history is written by the victors' and perhaps posit a theory that bankers actually started the war. Bankers started the war (?).. bankers are Jews (?).. therefore Jews started the war. I don't think it convinces anyone besides the ones already saying it, and to me is sort of like a historic version of Flat Earth Theory. It falls apart quickly with even some basic questions (in this model.. financing comes in place first... then people find reasons to fight? in Japan, Italy, and Germany...? financing from... private banks?... none of it works at all). Basically I think it's more like a cult of thought than a serious academic theory. I don't know if it's worth making a video about, but I thought I'd mention it here. It seems like virtually all the people saying this refuse to actually watch the video and turn it off after the opening sentences. I doubt they're reading this here either. But if that is you and you are reading this, I'd just say maybe consider actually watching the video, and try to be open-minded about learning something from it. - Ryan
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  3. This video took about four months to make and wouldn't be possible without my supporters on Patreon. So I want to start by giving a huge thanks to them. If you'd like to chip in and support me check out https://www.patreon.com/rchapman. Video notes below: I designed 'we think with the blood of our nation' to be a memorable phrase that can help people identify fascism. That being said, it's not formulated like a formal definition and needs more nuances to stand as one. So I regret calling it even something that resembles one. The phrasing was meant to invoke a fanaticism behind a singular nationalist mass movement. Fascism does not tolerate other principles conflicting with its nationalism (something that distinguishes it from more moderate forms of nationalism that might be content, for example, existing in a democracy). Fascism's nationalism wants to impose itself on others. Other ways of thinking are obstacles to fascists that need to be removed. Political or economic systems like socialism or capitalism, as stated in the video, are only tolerated if they're believed to be helping the fascist cause. They're dropped, attacked or modified as needed. The 'we' in 'we think with the blood of our nation' means a collective of people thinking together as a political mass movement. Fascism has to be in the context of mass politics. A context where the mass of people (nationals) within a political order are (at least in rhetoric) considered sovereign. It's not something used to describe the orders of emperors or monarchs, who hold themselves to be sovereign - the highest political authority. Fascists leaders, by contrast, hold (again, at least in rhetoric) the nation to be more important than themselves. Everything they do, they say, they do for the nation. They merely have the capabilities to act in its best interests. A tighter, albeit more awkward rephrasing might go something like: 'We think together with the blood of our nation and will tolerate nothing else.' The phrase really just gets your foot in the door for understanding and identifying fascism, similar to how 'the abolition of private property' gets your foot in the door for understanding and identifying communism. Translating it into a formal definition would look something like: 'fascism is a political ideology that conceives ideal political life as being wholly governed by a singular conception of national consciousness.' Another, quicker explanation would be to call it nationalism that aspires to totalitarianism. You could also think of it as the rough right-wing equivalent to communism. Communists want to total political control over their state for a single conception of a socialist cause, just as fascists want total control over their state for a singular conception of a nationalist cause. I also think that Roger Griffin's definition is serviceable, but again it's complex. If you want to remember Griffin's more easily, I think you can do fine reducing it down to the last part: 'populist ultra-nationalism.' To use that, you have to understand what populism is (I've made a video on it). More self-criticism: I simplified the conditions in Germany before Nazi rule down to hyperinflation and constraints from the Treaty of Versailles. There were about 16 years of turmoil between WWI and the Nazis coming into power and I wish I spent at least another sentence or two fleshing that context out. Hyperinflation was a factor behind the early success of the Nazi party and led Hitler to mount a failed coup in 1923, but it only lasted about two years. When Hitler came into power, he did it by riding a wave of despondency coming from another economic crisis: the Great Depression. The Treaty was still seen as a major villainous constraint on Germany at the time, but there was more emphasis on it being a national humiliation and military constraint than an economic constraint. The broad point is that economic conditions were quite bad (in all but a few years in the mid-late '20s), and Hitler (and many Germans) believed that Germany was being humiliated and needed to rise to its glorious potential. Fascism was their means of doing it. If you want to hear a detailed explanation of Hitler's rise to power, I spend about 30 minutes straight talking about it in my 'How World War 2 Began' video. Some commenters also think I claimed that there have only been two fascist movements: interwar Italy and Germany. What I actually said is that they are the only two movements that have remotely uncontroversially earned the label (a point widely accepted among fascism scholars). You can make the case that other movements have been fascist. My point was that the fascism described in this video (which stuck close to our accepted scholarly understanding of it) should be the basis for identifying fascism elsewhere. Spain under Franco is the next 'fascism' people tend to pick, but that label tends to come from foreigners and not the Spanish themselves (at least from that time period). Most professional analysis I've seen rejects the label and argues that Franco's fascism was superficial. They claim he adopted fascist imagery and slogans to (successfully) get war support from Italy and Germany, and if you look at what he believed, his movement, his rule, then you'll see it wasn't fascist. More of a conservative military dictatorship. I might make a video on it at some point. I saw some people say Hitler wasn't a Catholic or take offense to the passing remark I made about his Catholicism. I think it's safe to say that he wasn't a Catholic in the traditional sense, but he was raised Catholic, claimed he believed in God (shown in the video), and also claimed to be a Catholic fairly late in his life. As he put it to his army adjutant Gerhard Engel in 1941: "I am now as before a Catholic and will always remain so" (from Engels' diary: 'At The Heart of the Reich'). I called it 'his Catholicism' and left it at that. One last thing: it seems a lot of people think 'National Socialism isn't Fascism,' which gets some basic things wrong and I think is a message being spread by other YouTubers. My response to that is in this video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0gfYbEk6rBY&t=2s - Ryan
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  4. Thank you to everyone who supports these projects on Patreon. I wouldn't be able to devote so much time and so many resources to one video otherwise. I'm trying to make the best work I can and the donations really do make it possible. If you'd like to chip in and support me, check out https://www.patreon.com/rchapman. Video notes below. This video dealt with the concepts of socialism and liberalism in the broadest sense possible (historically and geographically). So I was concerned with enduring concepts seen through a global lens. You might have noticed that I didn't even mention the US in this video. The US didn't play a major role in the development of socialism. The most remarkable thing about it, according to my research, was actually the lack of socialism developing there. It was the major country that seemed to defy the trend when the rest of the world was somewhat turning towards socialism (around 100-140 years ago). The US has the Democratic Socialists of America now, but they are small players in both American politics and socialism abroad. From my understanding they're currently closer to Marx and Fabian socialism (having an end goal of 'complete socialism') than democratic socialism typical elsewhere, like Europe. So they, to some extent, defy the generalizations I made of democratic socialism in this video, but they still generally insist on operating in properly democratic political spaces. Categorizations are historically pretty messy within socialism (socialists often claim labels mean things that conflict with other labels that other socialists use, both in other movements and other points in time), and like I said at the end, democratic socialism means different things to different people. If you're looking for one modern authoritative statement of democratic socialist thought, the DSA is not the association to provide it. The Labour Party's updated Clause IV is a better bet (which I read in the video), and yes the Labour Party is a democratic socialist party. Tony Blair (who oversaw the change to Clause IV): 'The Labour Party is a democratic socialist party.' For those who want to read more about Marx's theory of historical development, he saw it occurring through the lens of 'dialectics,' (a Hegelian idea) which is when you interpret the world through conflicting, opposite forces that resolve into a greater, more perfect whole. That's why both Hegel and Marx thought the world was becoming more perfect over time. 'Stages of the dialectic' were being passed through, and things were being resolved into greater and more perfect wholes over time. That's also why Marx's analysis was framed almost entirely through the conflict of two classes: the bourgeoisie and proletariat. He saw them as two opposites in conflict that would resolve into a greater whole: the dictatorship of the proletariat, bringing forth communism. So Marx believed dialectics provide some sort of penetrating insight into the world, even giving him insight into the inevitable future of humanity. He thought Hegel's dialectics were too mystical by being based in Spirit, and he thought he corrected that by basing his theory in matter. Both dialectics and Aristotelian essences are ideas that modern philosophers (like Russell) call 'scholastic.' They're inherently vague but nonetheless treated as precise by academics/theoreticians. That being said, I recently read an excellent biography on Marx by Jonathan Sperber, and he claimed that Marxists historically overemphasize the importance of dialectics to classical Marxism. That's something I've thought myself and I agreed with him. Marx himself rarely and usually only indirectly discussed them. I think the aspects of Marx that I covered in the video are the more important points and dialectics is the next level of detail if you're interested in understanding his underlying logic. You might have also noticed in Lenin's quotes that he used the term 'social democracy' for his style of socialism. It's a term that Marxists, Marxist-Leninists, and democratic socialists all claimed to describe their style of socialism, making it pretty meaningless in the context of socialism at the time (why I ignored it). I think there's more agreement now that it means something akin to what I described as democratic socialism here, but that in turn has led to endless fighting about whether or not there's a difference between social democracy and democratic socialism. Bernie Sanders, for example, announces himself as a democratic socialist, and it leads to fighting over whether he's a democratic socialist or actually a social democrat. I think it's an unnecessary and messy distinction, and think democratic socialism covers the concept well enough. If you ask the question: 'what single term covers all socialists who vow to work within properly democratic systems?' The answer is democratic socialists. The term social democracy is too fraught to be that single term. It's been used historically in too many loose and contradictory ways. That being said, you can use 'social democrats' to describe democratic socialists and people will now generally understand you. Others say social democrat means you specifically want a mix of capitalism and welfarism, which seems like it's a line socialists further left have taken to claim that any socialists that endorse any privatization aren't actually socialists (they argue that they're correctly called social democrats). By that logic the Labour Party and Swedish Social Democrats aren't socialists. Why? Because they don't want to completely abolish private property. The same goes for Chinese, Cuban, North Korean, and Venezuelan socialists, again, because they all endorse some amount of privatization. So this paints socialism in a pretty tight box, which defies the overwhelming trend in socialism in the last 100 years or so. From there your perspectives are 1) the one I laid out in this video, which most socialists around the world more or less agree with, or 2) socialism is now a small movement (made up of those who still want 'complete socialism') with few modern political successes, who have to somehow claim that all these self-described socialists around the world (like Bernstein and those in Europe) are in fact labeling themselves incorrectly. To me this is akin to saying that the only 'true' liberals around the world are classical liberals (wanting small government), and anyone who deviates from classical liberalism isn't actually a liberal. You have to let political philosophies evolve with the times, and socialism has done that (as has liberalism). On that note, democracy wasn't consistently used as a meaningful term by socialists until democratic socialism came around. Before then, it mostly was used by socialists to indicate a claim that their policies represented the 'will of the people,' a legacy that came from Rousseau's Social Contract. For one, that alone doesn't work as a conception for democracy. Even for a basic definition of democracy, power needs to be broken up beyond just the commanding majority. Think of what can happen if a majority can do whatever it wants to a minority. The other problem is that socialists at the time didn't tend to articulate a method for proving that their policy actually represented the will of the people. They just said it. The only methods that I'm aware of to date for establishing public opinion are polls and elections, and for either to work as a gauge for public opinion, they can't be held in a context where the population is under political duress. If disagreement or criticism is punished, then you can't expect to learn what people actually think. It was democratic socialists that insisted the word 'democratic' be used meaningfully in the context of their socialism, (meaning political opposition isn't suppressed, elections are open, and freedom of criticism is secured) making them the first to consistently use the word correctly in the tradition, at least to my knowledge. Last note - some say the video became biased when it covered Lenin, apparently thinking I was too harsh on him. He is heavily propagandized in some circles and is heavily villainized in others. In such circumstances it can be hard to tell who he really was and what he was really about. For our purposes here I wanted to give a straightforward explanation of his main contribution to socialism (Marxism-Leninism). If you think the way he came off was too harsh, I'd recommend researching the period I described in the video when he set the standard for repression in the Soviet Union shortly after coming into power. It's called the 'Red Terror.' I tried to give Lenin some humane nuances but that's the man we're dealing with. He used authoritarianism to bring about socialism, making it suddenly and for the first time an official ideology for a major world power. That was his main contribution to the subject. - Ryan
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  5. A bunch of comments on this one asked why I didn't deal with categorizing the Nazis or Fascists as just plain 'socialists' over being nationalists or generic fascists. The reason why I didn't address that directly in this video is because I didn't see anyone commenting that on my last one. People either claimed that 'National Socialism isn't Fascism' or that we should just call them 'National Socialists.' I also dealt with the socialist label to some extent in my first video. Calling the Nazis socialists (and not nationalists or fascists) seems to be getting popular, and I might make a video to address it. For now, I'll do it here. The claim has a little weight but ultimately doesn't work. First of all: the main ideological pillar of Nazism is nationalism. All Nazis were fervent nationalists, from the beginning to end of the movement. Nationalism was what drove their action and policy far more than any other ideology. Nazism was a direct result of German nationalism that had been developed since the late 18th century. Read Herder, Fichte, Arndt. They were the thinkers who set up a peculiar brand of nationalism in Germany. The Nazis carried that brand of nationalism to an extreme conclusion. What I just said is a point that is unanimously agreed upon by all scholarship I have ever read, and also confirmed by my own research. Understanding that will make far more sense out of the Nazis than any kind of attempt to connect them to socialism. Getting into it anyway: If we're assigning a primary label to a movement, we're assigning it based on what drives them, and as I said, the Nazis were primarily motivated by nationalism, both in theory and in practice. Their nationalism drove their politics and overrode everything else. Hitler: 'For me and all true National Socialists there is but one doctrine: people and fatherland.' (at 26:34 in my longer fascism vid). You can find endless quotes of him saying that everything he does he does for Germany. That his goal for politics is to make Germany rise again and establish it as a great power. It was a goal, he said over and over, that he'd dedicate his life to, that he'd die for. It's not subtle. Going further: the Nazis were obsessed with the idea of Germans coming together as a national unit (the 'German race') and winning a Darwinian battle against the other nations, Germany strong again and expanding its living space. For them, economic policy was whatever it needed to be to fulfill that goal. It could be a socialistic policy if they believed it was good for their nation. Or it could be capitalistic. Or they could act like socialists if it meant that it would help them get into power, but then perhaps at that point socialist policy would not be practical, and in that case they'd pursue something else. This is an important point that is often taken out of context. From the very earliest years of the Nazi party, Hitler told other Nazis not to listen to the platform. The platform is unimportant. The only important goal is getting power. Power for what? German national rejuvenation. They had to be flexible to reach that goal, which meant they could be found saying any number of things. This fooled very few in Germany (or in the world) at the time, but has since meant that people can take aspects of Nazi history, present them out of context, and make them seem like socialists. They never stuck to the platform for the sake of socialist ideology, but they were rigid about sticking to their nationalist goals. Their 'socialism' in other words was subservient to their nationalism. There were some in the party that were further left and wanted to see a genuinely socialist angle for the sake of ideology in the party, and Hitler actively fought against those people. If they ever seemed to pose a threat to his power, he acted out against them. He either converted them (like in the case of Goebbels), or exiled, marginalized, or even eventually killed them. Hitler's take on the party was always far to the right. His views were so far right that as he gained popularity, he pushed German politics on the whole to the right. Again, this is not just a modern understanding. It was the dominant understanding in Germany and in the world at the time. When Hitler ran against Hindenburg, for example, in the presidential election in 1932, Hitler was understood as the right-wing candidate, and Hindenburg was understood as the left-wing candidate, who gained the support of the German left to prevent Hitler from winning. Hindenburg was an old-fashioned conservative from the military. Him being branded left-wing was considered an absurd shift in German politics, but that was how far right Hitler was. They did lean into socialist language and spoke as socialists at times on the campaign trail, but that was cynically done when they believed they were speaking to audiences who would be won over by it (working class audiences). Hitler himself ideologically pivoted depending on the audience. As he put it, before he went before a crowd he asked 'what record must I use? The national? The social? Or the sentimental? Of course, I have them all in my suitcase.' (quoted in Toland's 'Hitler' biography). If you quote him or the Nazis out of context, they may appear to be socialists at times, but that's quite literally falling for cynical Nazi campaign tactics. If you understand what was happening in context it's obvious that the socialist angle was largely cynical, and certainly subordinate to nationalism. This was widely understood at the time (and still today). The Nazis, on the whole, were far-right nationalists, not left-wing socialists. Richard Evans in 'The Coming of the Third Reich' called the Nazi's socialism 'pseudo-socialism' and I think that's appropriate. We could go further to answer who socialists are. Socialists are primarily concerned with egalitarianism. They want a more equal society. That's the distinguishing trait that motivates them. Inequality outrages them. Private property is typically seen as the cause of inequality, and centralizing the means of production was simply a popular method for socialists to achieve their goal of socioeconomic equality (for a while anyway). Now let's look at the Nazis. To put it mildly, they weren't egalitarians. The main principles they were overwhelmingly concerned with were nationalism, totalitarianism and, for the Nazis, racism (in a nationalist context). All three of those concepts are based in hierarchical thinking. Hitler also promoted a social Darwinian view when it came to labor - that hard work leads to success and should be appropriately rewarded (and also backed by private property). The Nazis, on the whole, were especially (even outrageously) inegalitarian. They claimed unequal human worth as a principle, and said that due to lesser worth, many in their society didn't even deserve to live (that included Jewish people and various other 'undesirables.' A point made explicit at 28:50 in my longer vid). In the very least they believed that many 'less valuable' Germans (like cripples) didn't deserve welfare. All of that makes calling the Nazis socialists - if you're trying to use the word meaningfully - misleading at best. Really just wrong. So why do people believe the Nazis were socialist? They did implement many economic policies that we relate with socialism. But they implemented those policies for reasons that little to do with commitment to socialist ideology, and everything to do with commitment to nationalist ideology. Others point to the largely superficial connections the Nazis had to socialism, like the word 'Socialist' in their party name. Again, that came from their early years when socialists were more prominent in the party, and also was part of their effort to win over more of the electorate. Saying they're socialists simply because they have the word 'socialist' in their name is akin to saying North Korea is democratic simply because they have the word 'democratic' in their country's name. It's absurd if you're knowledgeable about the subject. The Nazis openly framed socialists and communists as their natural enemies and held a general attitude of murderousness towards them. In short: the people who call the Nazis socialists - and not nationalists/fascists - have not discovered a deeper, more penetrating understanding of Nazism. It's the opposite. They're being fooled by the Nazi's veneer of socialism. Their 'socialism' was superficial and subordinate to their nationalism/fascism. As you spend time with Nazism, the thinness of that veneer becomes more and more obvious, which is why people at the time who lived with Nazism weren’t tricked by it, and professional historians and academics are also not tricked by it. To me, hearing that the Nazis were socialists and/or leftists is similar to hearing the claim that the '69 moon landing was faked. It's interesting to consider why people think that, but if you spend time learning the subject outside of solely consuming media bent to sell that one angle it falls apart. If you want to relate fascism to socialism and point to similarities in some tactics and economic policies, and maybe even call the Nazis economically socialistic in a loose sense (roughly referring to some of their economic policies, even though others conflicted with it), without putting much weight on that word, then that works to some extent, but overall, they weren't socialists. They were nationalists and fascists who sometimes used socialist policy and terminology for those purposes. - Ryan
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  6. Thank you to everyone who supports these projects on Patreon. I wouldn't be able to devote so much time and so many resources to one video otherwise. I'm trying to make the best work I can, and the donations really do make it possible. If you'd like to chip in and support me, check out https://www.patreon.com/rchapman. Video notes below. Many are questioning the 'rule of law in the USA' section of this video after the July 1st 2024 SCOTUS ruling, which said that presidents are presumed to be immune from prosecution for official acts as outlined in the constitution. Frankly I don't disagree. It does seem to throw the concept of rule of law in the USA into question. We're in an unprecedented moment in American history, and the best I can say here is that we'll have to see how it plays out in practice. But it's also worth saying, for all of those who seem to think the United States is basically a lawless state when it comes to restraining its leaders, it might help to gain some perspective by noticing that since the publication of this video Xi Jinping has consolidated China under himself and apparently abolished term limits. He was able to do that with officially zero disapproval from the CCP. The United States may be going down the same path, but law still does hold power over its leaders, and dramatically so compared to the situation in China. Moving on, I want to add some clarity to my statement at the end about China not being a warlike country. I was feeling pressure to wrap up the video and was probably too brief there. 1) I was referring to the last, say, 2000 years of Chinese history, roughly since China unified under the Qin dynasty. 2) I'm talking about a historical great power, and was considering it nonaggressive in that context. You can point to plenty of tiny powers, especially with short histories (say, Ecuador), with no real aggression to speak of at all, but it's much more novel for a major power with a long history to have so little aggression. China has, throughout most of those 2000 years, mostly kept to itself. It has been aggressive on occasion, particularly to countries bordering it, but those instances are rare when comparing China to other great powers. Also, like I said in the video, that might be changing. China might be becoming more aggressive in the 21st century. That's yet to be born out in a hot war, but many argue that we're seeing signs of it. Hopefully that added some clarity and nuance. I saw many comments taking issue with me saying the CCP is above the law. Most seem to be coming to the conclusion that the law is above the CCP by pointing at cases where members of the CCP are tried by the court system (like when members are tried for corruption). If that's your view, it seems that you're not understanding the concept of rule of law. I made a follow-up video elaborating on that: https://youtu.be/RK5X-tIA_AI Lastly, if you're wondering why I didn't cover Legalism in this video, I saw that as being one 'ism' too far for an introductory video. The basic dynamic between Legalists and Confucians was that Legalists tried to push China towards a country governed by law (though this never translated into rule of law, where even the highest political authorities are constrained by law), and the Confucians tried to push China in a direction where elders and leaders ruled via their discretion, not law. Influence from Legalists meant that China had a fairly strong legal tradition from fairly early on, but never rule of law, which is still true to this day. - Ryan
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  7. I want to start with a big thanks, as usual, to everyone who thanks and supports my work. Watching this back a bit later, there's one concept I wish I brought up in this video. The salary of presidents is not very high (around $400,000) considering the importance of the job. It may seem like a lot of money to the rest of us, but if you're really the best and brightest of your generation, you could make far more money elsewhere. Why risk your career going for the job of president if it pays so much less than top-tier American jobs elsewhere? It's just one more deterrent in a long list of deterrents already laid out here. Of course you can make a lot of money by being president, or even running for president, but through means that are typically seen by the public as unsavory, which further hurts the relationship between the institution of the presidency and the public. So what type of person would go for this job in the state that it's in? Something to think about. It seems the only other thing to address here is concept of money in politics more generally, and the people who think that the problem can be boiled down to the influence of big money over politicians. I think it's safe to say there's a case for that, to some extent, but some presidents rely on that kind of money and are more prone to that kind of influence than others. Some presidents really do have principles, morals and goals that they sincerely try to stick to throughout their tenure. Many even see themselves, and try to be leaders, who can represent the interests of Americans in a more pure fashion than, say, congressional representatives, who have big money more inherently tied into their work. The more you study individual presidents, the more obvious that is. So if you want to make the case that presidents are corrupted by money in politics, I think you have to make that on a more case-by-case basis, while this video tried to cover problems in a more generalizable fashion. - Ryan
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  9. Thank you to everyone who supports these projects on Patreon. I wouldn't be able to devote so much time and so many resources to one video otherwise. I'm trying to make the best work I can and the donations really do make it possible. If you'd like to chip in and support me, check out https://www.patreon.com/rchapman. Video notes below. Notes: I didn't talk about fraud in this video. Here's the scoop: We think we lose around 50-70 billion a year from fraud, most of it healthcare fraud. That's significant. But it's easier to measure losses from fraud than losses from inefficiency or from waste related to lobbying and interest groups. It's also the easiest to understand. If the government has a big pot of money and relatively loose security around that pot, people will take advantage and steal some (by claiming disabilities they don't actually have, for example). Increasing security helps solve the problem. I watched a podcast by The Office Of Inspector General that said - as of 2019 - we have 1600 people working for the OIG to 'root out fraud, waste and abuse' related to healthcare. That seems like a low number to me. I also suspect that if we made reforms that made our government more competent and brought more talented people into government, they'd be more motivated to stop fraud and would find more elegant ways to do it. This video did not go into why governments are more wasteful than private organizations (no profit incentive, not spending their own money). My focus was more specific. I said: given that it is a government (which assumes we're not thinking about privatizing whatever the government is doing), these are aspects of that government, and things that are happening in that society that are causing inefficiency and waste. I considered this a subject that most people do not want to spend long watching (books about budgeting problems, for example, don't exactly fly off the shelves), so I had to made decisions about what to include and what not to include in order to keep the runtime down and reach a broader audience. It's also worth saying that I didn't mean to imply that other governments around the world aren't wasteful, or that the US has the most wasteful government on the planet. When I said things like 'X makes the government uniquely wasteful,' I meant that the government is highly wasteful in a manner that's distinct to the US. Not that the US is more wasteful than anywhere else. I try to make my phrasing as clear as possible and anticipate how I might be misinterpreted, but I'm still learning. Another point that I wish I brought up: politicians are also incentivized to be friendly and accommodating towards lobbyists because they (in the last 50 years or so) tend to seek work in the lobbying field once they're out of office, which is called the 'revolving door.' If politicians, while in office, develop friendly relationships with lobbying firms, one would think that would facilitate finding work there upon retirement. Again, there could be a temptation to pass legislation suggested by the lobbying firms that isn't necessarily a good use of money or in the public interest, if it seems like it will give said politician a path to a lucrative career once they're out of office. It's something that's hard to prove, but is regardless widely seen, even within Washington, as a big issue. One last thing: if you want to do your own research on what I talked about in the second half of this video, I'd suggest looking up 'rent-seeking' and 'the logic of collective action.' - Ryan
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  11. I thought I'd return with some follow-up thoughts. One thing that needs to be said is that Marx & Engels wrote a lot. Their writing was consistent, but not perfectly consistent. Stances on violence, war, and the preconditions for revolution fluctuated. Marx also wasn't the clearest writer, favoring emotional language over technical precision. On top of that, there were holes in their theory, or at least spotty parts, sometimes on important points (ex. what exactly does the 'dictatorship of the proletariat' mean? How can the dictatorship of the proletariat rule 'democratically?' What did Engels mean when he said the State would 'wither away?'). As a result, there is no universally agreed upon understanding of what classical Marxism actually is. Circles tend to form around different interpretations of it, each circle believing they hold the correct understanding of Marxism. That has led to a long history of disagreement on Marx and fighting among Marxists. Within that, I tried to stick with the closest we have to a standard understanding, using both primary and secondary sources. I tried to put as little of my own opinion into it as possible and to flag where I did, like my interpretation of 'from each according to his ability, to each according to his means'. I think the part that rubbed the most people the wrong way was the claim that Marx's communism is essentially totalitarian. In my experience that's the standard explanation, and I did flag that some disagree with it. But I think it squares quite fully with his writing. There's no one sentence you can point to where he says 'this is a totalitarian society' (the word didn't exist yet), so you have to analyze what he said to get there. The communist society he described was one where communism was forced on the whole population. Just reading the Manifesto makes that clear, and the passages I cite in this video flesh that out more. They describe a society entirely permeated by communism, with no opposition, with communist politics heavily encroaching into the lives of all. Communists and Marx called that a 'free' society. That conception of a free society seems to have come from Rousseau's idea that society should be ruled by the 'general will,' which he laid out in his Social Contract. Once the general will of the people is determined (Rousseau did not say how that process should work, something he shares with Marx), then that general will needs to be forced upon the rest of the public. The general will is a monolithic guiding power that rules all, and that allows nothing to conflict with it. Everyone is 'forced to be free' as Rousseau put it. It's a peculiar conception of freedom. Rousseau acknowledged that, and quickly gave up trying to articulate what actually makes it a form of freedom. But that's the 'free' 'democratic' society Marx was describing that the dictatorship of the proletariat would create. Marx named the ruling idea that would guide the general will: communism. I'm describing totalitarianism. A society where communism shapes everything political. Communism is forced upon everyone to the extent deemed necessary by those in power (again, communists), in order to create a society free of class conflict/oppression. You could think about it this way: in a liberal/capitalist society, if you want to live your life as a communist, you're relatively free to do it. If you want to form a business with communist/socialist principles, go for it. If you want to form a commune, have at it. If you want to participate in politics as a communist, feel free to try it. You can really do pretty much whatever you want with your life, and participate in politics however you want (as long as you don't threaten violence). If you don't want to be political, that's fine too. Liberal societies do not have a vision, an end goal, that they try to push everyone toward. There's no utopia at the end of the tunnel. It's more or less a sandbox design for a society, and the people within them get to decide how they want to live their lives. In a communist society, everyone needs to be communist. That includes Marx's communism, which again forces itself onto the public with the goal of entirely shaping politics in order to eliminate class conflict. People are not cattle, so repression would be needed in order to accomplish that. It's possible that if a communist society existed for a long time, and communism was widely accepted by the public, communists would feel secure enough in their position to give political freedom and control over affairs back to the whole people, but as Bertrand Russell put it: 'this is a distant ideal, like the Second Coming; in the meantime, there is war and dictatorship, and insistence upon ideological orthodoxy.' (History of West. Phil. 790) If I'm wrong about what I just said, I've never seen anyone successfully articulate why - in the comments or anywhere in anything I've read. I think it's the closest we have to a standard explanation for good reason. Marx did endorse democratic practices by the Paris Commune, but that was when democracy brought about a result that he liked (voting was restricted to Paris and held at an especially radical time). I'm not aware of any examples of him endorsing democracy that brought about a result that went against his views. If you only endorse democracy that moves society towards socialism, and you condemn all other examples as 'bourgeois democracy,' it's hard to conclude you're in favor of democracy. I've never seen anyone deal with these things and still claim that he was democratic and not totalitarian. Also when socialists in Marx's time said they should spend their time pushing for gradual reforms, like expanding voting rights to the working class, Marx condemned it. He didn't want workers to have more of a say in a pluralistic, democratic society. He wanted class tensions to build until they exploded, ending with communists taking control of everything. I covered that in my in-depth socialism vid. Last point: I offended some by skipping Marx's economics. Some even say his claims entirely depend on his economics. I think that's an oversimplification. Some of his beliefs aren't verifiable or falsifiable by economics, like the claim that capitalism is the last form of society featuring class conflict, and that the next society will be communist. Also his core beliefs existed before his economics developed. He believed that capitalism was exploitative/alienating, that communism will be the next, preferable society, and he believed in historical materialism early in life (his 20s). He then spent the rest of his life developing his economic theory predicting the end of capitalism that we see in Capital. So his own beliefs did not depend on his economics in order to form. His economic theory came second, appearing to affirm beliefs he already had. That said, if you're interested in his economics, you can find explanations all over the internet. He's less politicized there. I may as well quickly lay out his theory and explain what I mean about it having mistakes. First, he thought that the amount of labor put into a product determines its value. Now imagine someone works for 10 hours. The worker creates product worth 10 hours of labor. But the worker isn't paid that amount. Let's say the worker created $100 worth of products in that 10 hours, but is only paid $50 in wages. The other $50 then is 'surplus value' i.e. profit for whoever owns the business. Crucially, the worker is only paid subsistence wages (from Ricardo's 'iron law of wages'), so the worker struggles and has no path to better their position in society through work. Others will take their job, so the worker can't bargain for more. The business owner then uses the $50 profit 'appropriated' (basically stolen) from the worker to expand their business. If that keeps up, the power dynamics in society will become more exaggerated. Workers stay poor, business owners get richer. They compete with each other, buying more machines, which means they need less human labor. Since labor (according to Marx) creates profit, profit rates fall. Businesses push down wages and lengthen hours to stay competitive. People can't buy what's being produced. A series of increasingly severe economic crises occur. Misery increases, a vast underclass forms, revolts, takes power. The two biggest places it goes wrong, afaik, are 1) Labor doesn't determine the value of a product. More goes into it, like supply, demand, marginal utility, factors relating to competition (or lack of) between firms. 2) He underestimates (really vilifies) the role of leaders (like CEOs) and managers. He doesn't appreciate how much work it takes to start and maintain a successful business, and in his theory the workers get credited with doing almost all the valuable work. There were also political assumptions in Marx's thinking, like the belief that 'capitalists' have a monopoly on political power (impeding reforms) which seems to be wrong. It also didn't make much sense at the time (& makes even less sense now) to define class by your relationship to the means of production, something Schumpeter pointed out ~80 years ago. Marx's theory was built on classical models and was to some extent out-of-date even in his lifetime, which is partially why it was slow to get attention (his writing style didn't help). In Marx's defense, he made many think about capitalism in a new way. Most academics that I've seen point out mistakes simultaneously acknowledge it as a work of genius. And some of his mistakes were also made by the best economists until then, like labor determining value. If you wonder why I didn't say this in the video, it's because to do it right I'd have to introduce Marx's terms (like labor theory of value) and thought it would be burdensome on the video, especially since I wasn't sure if the audience really cared about this stuff. - Ryan @realryanchapman
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  12. As always, first a huge thank you to everyone who supports my work through Patreon or the membership program here. This video in particular, I suspected, wouldn't make much money through YouTube ads. So it really did make this production possible. For video notes, it seems like most of the controversy has come from the first 10 minutes of the video so I'll use this space to address that. I just sent an email to a pastor who (gently and respectfully) took issue with my claiming Islam, Christianity and Judaism shared the same god, and also (even more gently and respectfully) took issue with my calling the Abrahamic story a myth. A lot of other people have said the same thing. I thought I'd post my response to the pastor here to address those issues: I'm open to a dialogue showing that I'm wrong, but this is my view. I think what's happening is that the people making these claims are close to the subject, and when people are close to a subject they have a magnified view of small differences in beliefs between groups. So perhaps the best thing to do is zoom our perspective out by looking at a different god and different culture entirely for the sake of an example. Let's say we're talking about ancient Greece, and I said various groups around ancient Greece believed in the same god: Zeus. We might all accept that, but different groups around Greece might say 'no our Zeus is different because we believe Zeus had a daughter and appeared on Earth at X time, etc' while another group might have different beliefs about Zeus and say something similar. But looked at broadly they all do believe in the same god: Zeus. It's just that different groups have different beliefs about the same god. They may conceive of him differently, worship him differently, but it's just different interpretations of the same god. That's what I think is happening with Jews, Christians, and Muslims. They all share the same god: the one who they believe spoke to Abraham, but have differing beliefs about how to conceive and worship that god, and different beliefs about what that god did or didn't do. With the word 'myth,' my usage has no necessary bearing on whether or not it's true. It's the traditional meaning of a myth, meaning a story that holds foundational value in a culture which is held above question. I used the word because I considered it the most accurate word in English for what I was describing. I hope that cleared things up. It seems like the other most controversial claim in the video is also from that section, which said that 'the Quran is full of contradictions, making it difficult to discern its precise divine intent.' That offends a lot of Muslims, and they will readily tell you that most Muslim scholars say that there are no contradictions in the Quran. But most Muslim scholars are themselves Muslim, and Muslims don't typically come from a tradition of attempting to present subjects neutrally, as I try to do here. When I said there are many contradictions in the Quran, I'm talking about just the plain words themselves. To claim there are no contradictions requires interpretation. One must say 'this statement here was in X context, so it should be understood with its significance windowed down to Y, so it therefore does not contradict Z' and so on and so forth throughout the Quran. Whether or not that interpretation convinces you is up to the listener. I wasn't referring to the interpreted Quran, just the Quran itself. It's probably also important to mention that the speaker in the Quran actively argues that the speaker is in fact God (the one who spoke to Abraham and the rest of the Judeo-Christian prophets). One argument the speaker makes is that the Quran has no contradictions, and the lack of contradictions proves it is the work of God. So it's important to Muslims to demonstrate that there are no contradictions, because according to the logic of the Quran itself if there were contradictions then it is not the word of God. That also means it would be considered heretical for a Muslim (scholar or not) to say there was a contradiction in the Quran, since it's a universal tenet of Islam to believe that the Quran is God's speech. If you followed all that, it means that according to their religious principles, Muslims (at least in their current popular forms, including Iranian Shias) cannot acknowledge or believe that there are contradictions in the Quran. This isn't to weigh in on whether or not there are contradictions if it's interpreted 'correctly,' but only to defend that if you look at the plain words there are clearly many. I highlighted one in the section of the video that spoke about it. In other news, if you want a glimpse into what's coming up, I'm going to stick with the Middle East for a bit before moving elsewhere. I'm working on Zionism as the subject for the next main channel video, and making a private members/Patreon video in the coming weeks. - Ryan
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  13. I want to give a huge thank you to everyone who supports me through Patreon and channel memberships. Without their enduring support, making videos this time and resource intensive would not be possible. If you want to chip in you can find it here: https://www.patreon.com/rchapman. Video notes below. For those wondering why I focused on France and not the United States, remember that this video was about nationalism. Nationalism was not a significant force in the United States during its founding period. A nation was founded when the United States was created (a newly conceived one American people as a body politic) but it was a nation that emphasized federalism: a federation of states. Political identity and political power, at the time of the revolution was still mostly conceived through those states. In the revolutionary period people still called themselves Virginians, for example, and not Americans. They were generally wary of coming together as one nation, and it was a project that they were generally ready to abandon (for example if the slavery issue was pressed too hard, or if national power was generally seen as being too strong). There was nothing like a single sovereign nation that held virtually unchecked domestic power like you had in France, or a leading popular movement that glorified such a development. Something like Article 3 in the French Declaration of the Rights of Man would have been heresy in the United States. The structure of the American government was actually designed with the premise that such a singular national power was tyranny. They framed their government thinking that national level had to be broken up and constrained as much as possible. I'm describing something like anti-nationalism here. In short, a nation was formed in the United States in the late 18th century, but the nation was a tentative one and you didn't have a clear demonstration of nationalism. Other notes: There seems to be a popular misunderstanding in France that the 'impure blood' line in La Marseilles actually refers to the blood of common French people. They're impure because they're not royal. This interpretation claims that the French were excitedly chanting about charging into battle and watering their own fields with their own blood in a defensive war for democracy. Two main points why it doesn't work: 1) would be a strange army indeed, full of soldiers getting hyped up for war over the prospect of shedding their own blood, not the enemy's, and 2) Lisle (the author) was a royalist and was imprisoned for his beliefs. It doesn't make sense that he would glorify a republican cause as a royalist. It makes even less sense that the republican government would imprison him for royalism if he had just written a popular anthem glorifying republicanism. Unless I'm missing something, it seems like this interpretation is an attempt to make La Marseilles socially acceptable in the modern world and is not based in facts or reality. I believe what I stated in the video about the 'impure blood' being foreign was correct, however unpolitically correct that is now. A note for the Pledge of Allegiance section: some seemed to think that I thought I was reciting the 19th century Pledge and pointed out how it had been modified since then. I considered modifications to the Pledge to be an unnecessary detail considering the scope of the video. I was aware I was reciting the modern version of it, and if you were too, then great. I figured that if people didn't realize that it had been changed, it didn't really affect anything and wasn't worth extending the video to address. Last note - I saw some say I made a mistake categorizing nations in the first section of the video, and say I was actually talking about nation-states. I think if you study the subject and listen closely to what I said you'll find no such mistake occurred. I used the language that is typically used when explaining nationalism. Nations are the broadest unit of the subject and nation-states are the smaller unit within that. When people talk about the spread of nations around the world, they are also talking about the spread of nation-states. When we talk about nations meeting, for example, in the UN, we're talking primarily about a group of people: the nation. When we talk about a representative of the nation of Kenya, we're talking about a representative for a group of people: Kenyans. That nation possesses, or wants to possess, a state. We can also talk about the spread of nation-states, and that's a parallel, closely related story. I talked, for example, about a 'nation of China coming into being,' we're primarily talking about a group of people that politically are recognized as a nation, and also talking about a state that they created. It's correct vernacular. I could have also said 'when the nation-state of China came into being,' but that's a smaller story, specifically referring to China's state. Hope that cleared things up. - Ryan
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  15. Thank you to everyone who supports these projects on Patreon. I wouldn't be able to devote so much time and so many resources to one video otherwise. I'm trying to make the best work I can and the donations really do make it possible. If you'd like to chip in and support me, check out https://www.patreon.com/rchapman. Video notes below. I've seen a number of commenters who believe that I crucially left out some details about the cultural and ethnic ties between Taiwan and mainland China. Mainly two details: 1) clarifying that Taiwanese isn't an entirely original language, but instead a dialect from Fujian province (they do call it Taiwanese in Taiwan, so I stuck with their language when telling their side of the story), and 2) stressing the high proportion of ethic Chinese people living in Taiwan. That's fine, if you want to call attention to those facts, but I didn't consider them essential for this video because they don't fundamentally change the arguments from either side. Taiwan's independence argument doesn't weaken because of ethnic and cultural ties to China. China's claim to Taiwan doesn't strengthen either. If you think those details do give China a legitimate claim to Taiwan (against the will of the overwhelming majority of people living there) then you're arriving at something like 'we own you through your blood,' since the shared ethnicity seems to be the pillar of that claim. That's not something I saw my Chinese sources claiming, and that's also obviously something the Taiwanese side didn't say either. Perhaps I should have presented them here anyway since they seem important to Chinese audiences, but again they don't fundamentally change the logic from either side. Many of those who stressed the ethnic ties between Taiwan and China went on to say people in Taiwan are rallying around a Taiwanese identity because they're being propagandized by their government in the education system. I think that's a fair point to get into, but if you want to cover the subject in a balanced way, you'd also have to look at how China's government propagandizes and controls their citizens too. The reality is Chinese people are among the most heavily propagandized and controlled in the world. Taiwan is one of the places with the freest speech (and freest access to information) in the world, and China is one of the places with the most controlled speech and most controlled access to information in the world. Look at any free speech index and it will tell you that. The Chinese government employs massive boroughs of people for the sole purpose of propagandizing and controlling its citizens (look up the 'Golden Shield' for example). So again, I could have covered that side of the subject, but it seems like virtually everyone making those arguments were sympathetic to China's side, and I don't think they'd be happy seeing balanced coverage of that. On that note, this video only covered China's official position on Taiwan. Since there isn't free speech in China, this is pretty much how everyone covers it. In places like Taiwan, it's easier to make distinctions between public thought and official thought. You can poll people or just point to public backlashes against official positions. In China, widespread expression of dissent from official thought (like the Sunflower Movement in Taiwan) is rarely allowed, so we're mostly left with pointing at official thought. That all being said, I don't think there's reason to believe that the public in China doesn't more or less support or believe the official position laid out here. Last note - many think this video tried to create the impression that Taiwan is mostly made up of aborigines, and I'm not sure who would watch this video and actually think that. As I kept talking about Taiwan being colonized by various powers, and even the KMT moving there as an entire party, I assumed people understood (and knew, even by common sense) that the aborigines eventually became a small minority there. I didn't think that was something that needed to be explicitly said, and ultimately I try to trust the intelligence of the viewer and avoid stating the obvious if I can. - Ryan
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  16. Thank you to everyone who supports these projects on Patreon. I wouldn't be able to devote so much time and so many resources to one video otherwise. I'm trying to make the best work I can and the donations really do make it possible. If you'd like to chip in and support me, check out https://www.patreon.com/rchapman. Video notes below. Some took issue with the notion that the United States was the first democracy following ancient Greece. When I said 'the word democracy wouldn't be linked to another state for more than 2000 years,' that afaik is correct. Democratic practices did exist between ancient times and the American founding, and there were even local elections in America before the founding, as well as some democratic practices in England and smaller societies around Europe, but they almost entirely went by the name of republicanism. These other societies also practiced limited forms of democracy, and that was truer the bigger the society got. You could claim that some viking societies had meaningful (but still limited) democratic practices, for example, but they didn't have a state. That was also before modern nations. Nation-states at the time (with the very controversial exception of England after the 15th century) did not exist. So we're talking about societies that typically had fuzzy borders, a looser idea of who belonged within them and what their roles were as 'citizens,' no modern government state, and where the sovereign political authority is typically divine or an individual/family. Combine that with democratic practices being limited, and you have no state that was being called democratic until the U.S. founding. I chose my wording there carefully. Given all that, the main democratic breakthroughs the U.S. had were 1) Forming a nation (strict borders, concrete and firm law extending to all citizens within) with its own sovereign, secular government that is responsive to the people, 2) Those people were to hire and fire heads of state and top representatives, 3) Practicing this on a scale of a massive nation-state, with significant cultural and ethnic differences, where citizens across the nation have no way of knowing one another, but still had to trust one another with political power. So there was some contemporary precedent for what the U.S. did, but they also significantly experimented and innovated. Democracy and an impersonal secular state were thought to be impossible in a society on the scale of the U.S. It was thought that monarchies were best for large societies and that democracies/republics were controversially well-suited for small societies, and that even then those smaller political systems needed a mixed character in order to be stable (perhaps still a monarch or divine authority). 'Pure democracies' were thought to be entirely untenable, and tended to be associated with mob rule (a judgement that affected the Founders). To go into that last part further - the 'mixed character' model mainly came from Aristotle, through Polybius (Greek/Roman historian), and finally through Montesquieu's 'Spirit Of The Laws.' Aristotle said there were three forms of government: government by one, government by the few, government by the many (monarchy, aristocracy, democracy) and that a mixed form of government was best - one that blended aspects of those three forms in its institutions. Montesquieu influentially wrote that those institutions should have limited power and have the ability to limit the powers of each other, now known as checks and balances. That influenced the Framers, who made the executive branch roughly correspond to the 'government by one,' the senate roughly 'government by few' and the house of reps roughly 'government by many.' That also inspired the checks and balances seen in the constitution. If you're wondering why I didn't cover mixed constitution theory in the video, I think it's interesting, but the interpretation in America is somewhat loose. It's a bit of a stretch to call the executive branch 'government by one,' I think even more of a stretch to call the house of reps 'government by many,' and it leaves out the judicial. More importantly, Madison's language of politics consisting of conflicting factions was seen as a more realistic update to the classical mixed constitution theory. Basically mixed constitution theory was seen as rigidly ideological, not realistic, and warring factions was seen as practical and realistic. Theory that could be usefully guide policy. I have to make decisions about what to include and what not to include for runtime purposes, and decided to relegate mixed constitution theory to the comments and just include Madison's factions in the video. - Ryan
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  19. Some follow-up thoughts on this video. I think populism is currently widespread, both on the left and right, and both domestically and abroad. Many (if not most) who I would consider populist probably do not label themselves as such, as it has become a somewhat derogatory term, and the term itself is probably not well understood. I would also guess that many or most of said people would not fully agree with my explanation of populism here. I think the place where they take issue the most would be my claim that populism is anti-pluralistic: that it dramatically flattens the political landscape in its presentation of that landscape, typically simplifying it down into a binary where one side is good and the other is bad. The bad side includes 'elites,' who hold power. If you're someone who disagrees with that, try to reflect for a moment how many different political persuasions there are, even just in America. How many different theories, groups, movements there are, with conflicting ideas about what's going on. Who's in power? How many different groups are in power even? How broadly power is shared? Is it 'hegemonic?' Or is there a spectrum of shared power? What kinds of problems are we facing? What should be done? And so on. Then ask yourself if that kind of landscape is captured in populism. I think many would see my point there, but then scratch their heads trying to figure out what thinkers, ideologies, or movements don't flatten politics. For one, liberals don't. At least not nearly to the extent that populists do. A major purpose of liberalism is to recognize, protect, and even foster pluralism. Realists also try to look at the various sides of issues as they exist in reality, without vilifying or glorifying any one given side. But there are many of other examples. All kinds of progressives, conservatives, anarchists, libertarians, you name it, that recognize and respect pluralism. They don't lump 'the people' together as one identifiable bracket with one identifiable voice, and pit them against one other identifiable bracket, like 'elites.' You can find pluralist politicians on both sides of the aisle saying something like 'X policy represents this group (maybe coal miners), X policy represents that group (environmentalists perhaps), both have legitimate concerns that conflict with each other, and we need to find a compromise by doing X Y and Z.' Those politicians (or thinkers) may not be in the majority anymore, but they're out there. My point is that pluralism exists and is recognized by many types of thinkers. I would never tell anyone to only listen to what I have to say about any subjects I talk about. I encourage you to get out there and listen to other takes on populism (although I do not recommend YouTube as a platform for it. IMO books and college lectures are much better). Maybe the best thing I can do here is articulate my process. I try to seek out the best sources, which means trying to find the most serious academics that have written on the subject, who also bring at least a tolerable amount of professional disinterestedness to their work. I throw out anything nakedly partisan (when it comes to this subject I'd give the example of Thomas Frank). Those kinds of partisan works have a strong point of view, skew their presentation in that point of view and it's nakedly apparent to anyone familiar with the subject. That may be fine if you want Thomas Frank's point of view, but that's not for me. So I looked for the best sources I could find (listed in the description), then tried to impartially convey the nuts and bolts of what they had to say, giving the audience a general take of our current understanding of the subject. That's it. If it turns out to be an unflattering portrayal of populism, I don't see that as my problem. I'd do the same for any other subject. That all being said, I don't claim to have done a perfect job here. If I could do it again, I'd probably delete the passage about how populists tend to dismiss you if you don't agree with them, especially if you conflict with them. I think that was unnecessary and skewed the tone without adding value. But I think the video, as a whole, is a decent enough presentation of my sources. If you reject my sources as being authoritative for the subject, then my video won't hold up either. - Ryan
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  21. Thank you to everyone who supports these projects on Patreon. I wouldn't be able to devote so much time and so many resources to one video otherwise. I'm trying to make the best work I can and the donations really do make it possible. If you'd like to chip in and support me, check out https://www.patreon.com/rchapman. Video notes below: I've been trying to figure out how much evidence to provide on screen for what I say in the video. In the past year or so I've shifted towards showing evidence pretty continuously throughout the entire video. But then it seems like if there are only a few claims left with no evidence shown, and people single out those claims and believe I made them up. Showing evidence for literally every claim, I think, would be exhausting to watch, so I'm not sure how to solve that. For this one, I saw a number of people single out the section where I said according to my research, slavery persisted in the South because white Southerners didn't want to work outdoors in hot climates, and say it's absurd and I made it up. To explain why I constructed that section the way I did, I thought 1) it's not a key point for the piece, and 2) it's common sense. So I thought I'd give the audience a break on reading text for that section. I also showed some supporting text from Gordon Wood on how the philosophy of labor was shifting in both the North and South at the time. I figured that was enough, and if people were intrigued or skeptical on that point they could research it on their own. To address it here I'd start by asking: how else would you explain why the further south you went, the more adamant people became about keeping slavery? Why were those same people so work avoidant compared to people in the North? Why was the Deep South so firm on slavery, while the North gave it up within a generation? I'm curious if people have alternative explanations, because while researching for this piece I literally did not come across one. Every source that covered it said the same thing: climate. That was also the prevailing take when this was all happening. Perhaps some quotes from primary sources will do. In 1804, when senators were debating whether to restrict the importation of slaves into Louisiana, GA rep Jackson said: 'Gentlemen from north & the east do not know that white men cannot endure the heat of a vertical sun - they cannot cultivate and raise a crop of rice - negroes are necessary for that country.' and 'a white man cannot cultivate three acres of rice, and yet Georgia is not so warm as Louisiana. You cannot prevent slavery - neither laws moral or human can do it - men will be governed by their interest, not the law...' Jefferson himself in Notes on the State of Virginia: 'in a warm climate, no man will labour for himself who can make another labour for him,' after saying blacks are 'more tolerant of heat, and less so of cold, than the whites.' Some people also seem offended by my use of 'alleged' when talking about Jefferson and Sally Hemings, apparently because they thought it should be treated as fact. From what I can tell the evidence does strongly support the claim that Jefferson fathered children with her. The DNA test only says it was a Jefferson male (of which there were about ten at Monticello) who fathered one of her kids, but Jefferson was with Sally every time she probably conceived, which is considered strong evidence. Generally speaking, there was significant pushback/skepticism from the academic community in the '90s when Annette Gordon-Reed published 'Thomas Jefferson & Sally Hemings,' which was the work that got this conversation seriously going. The pushback was mostly based on the fact that Jefferson hardly ever mentioned her in his writing (I think 4 times in about 18,000 letters), that it seemed out of character for him to keep his children as slaves, that people around Jefferson hardly mentioned her, and that we know so little about Sally. Then the DNA test came out, and Gordon-Reed published 'The Hemings Of Monticello,' which basically said Jefferson's behavior step-by-step indicates he had a relationship with Hemings, and his silence on her is consistent with behavior of other white male Virginian slaveowners, and that people around him would also understand to keep quiet about her. Now most professional opinion (that I've read) does conclude that he fathered children with Sally, but I still thought it would be wrong to treat it as fact, knowing it's a controversial subject, and knowing I wasn't going to take the time in the video to go through all this. So I just said 'alleged' and left it to the comments in case people disagreed or were offended. Hope that cleared things up. I've seen a couple people flag Ben Franklin's anti-slavery activity to refute what I said about none of the Founders 'risking their careers' to end slavery. Franklin's activity was at the very end of his life, which meant 1) he wasn't risking his career over it, and 2) his activity was after the crucial time window I was talking about in that section, when slavery was being widely debated and the defense of it hadn't solidified. I also didn't claim that the Founders literally said nothing about the abolition of slavery. Only that in the years that crucially mattered they didn't press the issue. They overwhelmingly focused their efforts on other issues, like the formation of the union/constitution, diplomacy, and freedom of religion. From my research, in those years Jefferson was actually the most outspoken against slavery of them all (he attempted three major instances of it afaik), but he cared far more about other issues (like freedom of religion), and his 'anti-slavery' stance also came with his highly impractical deportation clause. Last note - many comments say it was Jefferson's debt that prevented him from freeing his slaves. I have never seen a professional make this claim. The reason why is because Jefferson said what he would do with his slaves if he ever got out of debt. He said he would improve the living conditions of his slaves. Not free them. Also he lived an extravagant lifestyle, for example constantly hosting guests and serving fine wine from around the world, and taking on huge expenses trying to turn Monticello into basically his dream home. He didn't live as someone trying to get out of debt in order to free his slaves. In short, the claim doesn't make sense if you study him. - Ryan
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  26.  @gbabayan  I did listen to him with an open mind. I went back and re-watched it to be sure. He's badly distorting the subject. He doesn't distinguish between generic and Italian fascism, meaning pretty much everyone watching it will come away thinking he was talking about fascism generally, when he spent the video talking about Italian fascism. The Italian fascism he described stuck selectively to early Fascism, again when it was closer to Marx and socialism, and before it developed into the 'populist ultra-nationalist' fascism. Then points to National Socialists rejecting the fascist label as evidence they weren't fascist, not giving the context there that I did in my video. Also his treatment of Fascism's relationship with violence was sketchy to the point where I'd call it misleading and even wrong. He's either misinformed or intentionally distorting it for partisan purposes. To me it's pretty clear it's the second since he's selectively quoting academics like Gregor, who you'd only know if you spent a good amount of time with the subject. Edit: I should say the reason I'm being harsh towards Tik here is because I consider what he's doing a gross ethical violation of your duty as a teacher. Most students of the subject won't go into your presentation with a solid understanding of the subject, so they can't see how you're selectively rearranging and ignoring pieces of the subject, while presenting other pieces out of context in order to make it into something that it's not. So listeners believe what's being presented without realizing they're being told a politically manipulated version of the subject (i.e. distorted). I think that practice should be condemned, unless it's coming from a place of naiveté, which I don't think is the case here. That being said, I think these kinds of partisan takes are common on YouTube (which is why I say don't consume explainers on controversial issues here), so I'd imagine Tik is just acting in a way that he sees as normal these days. I plan on making a video about this at some point to make it clearer.
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  28. Absolutely! I wrote up a pinned comment that included most the points you brought up here. I did try to hammer in at several points how widely criticized democracy as both in ancient times and at the time of the American founding. I also wrote about 60 pages of notes for this video (which translates to about 240 minutes of runtime), and have to decide what to include and what not to include. Of everything you said, the one thing I did want to talk about but just couldn't find a space for was comparing the individualistic nature of American democracy vs the communal nature of Athenian democracy. But how could I talk about that if I didn't talk about Aristotle's mixed constitution theory, or Montesquieu? You said I implied that there was nothing resembling democracy between Greece and America, but I really tried to imply the opposite. I just said that democratic states after Rome mostly went by the name of republics, and there wasn't a nation that called itself democratic until America. With the Thucydides mix-up yeah that regrettably just a mistake. Someone caught that a day after I uploaded this, and it almost made me take the video down and re-upload it to fix it, but I figured that it didn't detract from the main ideas of the piece. Edit: I figured out a way to just chop that line out of the piece. So, problem solved. Plutarch talked about two different people named Thucydides in his chapter on Pericles, and I didn't realize they were different people, which led to a factual mistake in the vid. - Ryan
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  39. Just seeing this comment and it seems worth responding to. Marx was pro democracy in the same way Mao was pro democracy. They both said it here and there, but it doesn't mean anything held up against their actual policies. They imagined that those policies represented the will of most people, but didn't require it. And that doesn't capture the essence of democracy anyway, since democracy means sharing political power across all of society (the idea that everyone gets a voice). Being pro democracy means having an appreciation for political pluralism, since not everyone thinks the same way. That appreciation for political pluralism is not in Marx's writing, rather it's filled with the opposite: hostility towards ideas that don't match his. Rather than calling for pluralism, Marx and Engels called for the 'dictatorship of the proletariat,' brought on by the 'overthrow of bourgeois supremacy, (and the) conquest of political power by the proletariat' (from the Communist Manifesto). From there the proletariat would rule and implement communist principles, which I went over in the video. There isn't an emphasis on protecting anyone's speech that disagrees with those principles (protecting unpopular speech doesn't just happen. It needs to be emphasized as a foundational necessity in order to achieve it). There are even hints to the opposite effect. Marx and Engels talked about seizing the property of rebels (from the Manifesto) and putting down political opposition via the power of the state (in a letter by Engels). These are the ingredients for a totalitarian society. They don't say it outright, just as they don't outright say they're against free speech (who does?) but the writing is on the wall. In my opinion it's irresponsible to cover Marx without spelling that out. I try to cover these topics fairly, which means highlighting aspects of Marx that Marxists will appreciate (the first part of this video apparently for many), and also highlight aspects of Marx that people against Marx will appreciate (the second half for many). If you expect a content creator to make you comfortable when watching controversial content like this then you're probably expecting that creator to have a bias in your favor.
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  56. Hi, thanks for the respectful and well-written comment on a touchy subject. To respond, most of the issues that you're raising here, I think, come from a standpoint of you wanting me to present Islam in a way that is friendlier, even more deferential to Islam and Muslims. But that's not what I do here. When I present my subjects, I do my best to present the subject neutrally, regardless of the subject. For an example I'll take your issue with my showing Muhammad's face. I don't think there was anything disrespectful in how I portrayed him in any way in this video, including my showing of his face. I only used it appropriately as he was discussed throughout the piece, and only used historical portrayals by actual Muslim artists. It's the same I'd do for any subject. If Muslims (in this present moment in time we're in) want me to present the subject in a way that's friendlier to them by obscuring his facing, I don't really see that as my problem. I don't see myself as being disrespectful or overly respectful in that regard. Instead - I think - I've arrived at a presentation that's as neutral as I can achieve. To broaden the conversation from Islam for a moment, Jews and Christians could (and did, many times in the comments) take the same issue with my calling Abraham's story a myth. But if you look up what a myth is in the dictionary, it's the most accurate (i.e. precise) word I think I could have used there. It's to me, therefore, the correct word, and it's the word I used in the piece. If people take issue with it, it's, as far as I can tell, because they want the presentation to be friendlier to their personal beliefs, but I again don't see that as my problem. It's (if I'm doing it well) just part of the messy process of presenting subjects neutrally that people are used to seeing in a friendlier light to their beliefs. I think the only issues that may not address is your claim that the meaning of a jihad is not controversial, but I presented in the way I did precisely because many claim it just refers to an expenditure of effort and is not necessarily violent or aggressive. Yet many others see it as specifically violent or aggressive. The different passages in the Quran led to those different interpretations. Which brings me to your other issue, which is in saying there are no contradictions in the Quran according to most Muslim scholars. Yes, it's true most Muslim scholars say there are no contradictions. But most Muslim scholars are themselves Muslims, and do not come from a tradition of presenting subjects neutrally. So they - in my view - seem to uniformly present Islam and the Quran in a way that's friendly to Muslims. If you look at more neutral scholars (typically not Muslims themselves) many will readily say yes there indeed contradictions. So many that it takes an expert to make sense of all of it (hence the tradition of Muslim scholars interpreting it for regular Muslims). One of which I highlighted regarding God's stand on aggressive violence. To say there are no contradictions requires interpreting the text in a particular way, so you have to believe the interpreter to believe that there are, in fact, no contradictions. But what is the interpreter interpreting? Contradictions that are inherent, even obviously inherent, in the text. That was my point. Not to present it according to any particular interpreter. I hope that cleared things up. - Ryan
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  75. @Adonis Admirer I don't think I described populism as inherently authoritarian or cultish in the traditional sense of those words. I'd say when populist movements have a leader in charge they tend to become authoritarian, but even then not in all cases. Bernie Sanders' movement I think is a good example of a non-authoritarian populist movement with a leader at the helm. If you're just saying that I emphasized how they can in many cases be authoritarian, then I don't see a problem with doing that. Populism, like you hinted at, is behind both fascism and Marxism-Leninism, and many of the worst dictators out there. I think populism is 'cultish' to the extent that populist movements are mass politics movements, and people think as a group in those kinds of movements. But I wouldn't call a populist movement a cult in the traditional sense of the word. I'm open to arguments that populism isn't anti-pluralistic, but I don't see how your argument gets us there. You're lumping 'the establishment' together as being this hegemonic power, which itself is flattening the complexity of political life. The idea that it can be 'destroyed' by a populist movement is further flattening things. You're presenting a hegemonic elite that needs to be destroyed by a populist movement, bringing you into a black and white, two dimensional political space. That's itself an example of anti-pluralistic thinking. I'm not sure I understand your last point about fanatic in-group preferences masquerading as populism. Do you not think that populists see their views as being superior to the views of elites, and to political alternatives? That's the standard way of explaining populism. They wouldn't be populists if they thought their beliefs weren't better than the alternatives, especially those of elites. I also do think populist groups tend to be passionate about their beliefs in a groupish way, which you can see in all the examples of populism I showed on the screen in this vid. - Ryan
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  81. I read probably on average around 6 hours a day (not counting days I record) and rarely take a day off. When I'm not reading I'm often listening to audiobooks, which are a lot of the sources I cite (in this video, six of the books cited I listened to as an audiobook). That being said, I try to actually read the physical book if it's an important source for the video. For example on this one, 'Liberalism' by Edmund Fawcett was an important source, so I sat down and spent a few days physically reading it, and I saw something like 'The Lost History Of Liberalism' by Helena Rosenblatt to be more like bonus material that fleshes out my understanding just a bit more, so that was a good contender for an audiobook. I also don't necessarily read every chapter or finish every book. If a chapter doesn't pertain to the subject matter of the video, or if I feel a book is only tangentially useful, I might put a book down after only reading parts of it. If I do that, I typically skim the rest of the book to hedge my bets that I'm not missing anything important for the video. For example on this video I did that with 'The End Of Reform.' I was looking to learn about FDR's take on liberalism, and how that squared with progressives and other takes on liberalism at the time. I only had to read about half the book to learn what it had to say about that, and reading every word in every chapter would have been an inefficient use of my time (those portions of the book were meant for people picking it up with a different purpose). I think virtually all academics do that. If you see a huge bookshelf behind someone in an interview, they don't always read literally every word on every page, just the material they feel is important to their understanding of the subjects they work in. And again, if a book is directly related to my interests, and if it's substantial enough to use as a source, I'd read it cover to cover. Edit: I should also mention that I had already read four of these books earlier in the year (On Liberty, Democracy in America, Liberalism by Mises, and Capitalism & Freedom by Friedman), so just because I list a book as a source doesn't mean I literally read it during the production of the video. I did brush up on two of them to make sure my understanding of them was correct, and the other two I was confident enough about to not revisit.
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  94. To be clear, this is mostly reiterating professional analysis of populism, based on the sources listed. The term populism came from the Populist party in America around the turn of the 20th century. It was more widely used as a label of self-identification until enough time had passed and enough populist movement were widely seen through a negative lens, historically. Fascism, by the way, is a version of populism, as is Marxism (although that one is more controversial). Populism is just the general label for mass politics where it's people vs. elites, and someone gives voice to what 'the people' think and feel. People do still self-identify as populist, but it's more rare. The people over on Breaking Points are an example. 'Us vs. them' has become very popular as mass politics has increasingly dominated politics over the last 120 years or so. That, to a large extent, corresponds with the rise of populism (as voting rights spread). Pointing at the widespread use of something, even if much of it goes outside of populism, doesn't disqualify it from being a component of populism. The same goes for conspiracy theories. I just listed that last part as a notable tendency. So it's not a requirement, but something you shouldn't be surprised to see. Again, it doesn't matter if other types of thinkers engage to some extent in conspiracy theories. Unless you're trying to say that all ism's are equally prone to conspiracy theories, which would make it meaningless. But I don't think that's right.
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  135. Hi, I think a lot of what's happening here is that you're looking for a certain amount of detail in those sections that I simply can't provide in a video that is not specifically about these subjects and time periods. I told the history of the world before nationalism in a few minutes. Since that's something that the viewers did not click on the video for, I cannot spend 20 minutes on it before I get to the actual formation of nationalism. Saying certain aspects like 'non-monarchical senses of community' were downplayed is criticizing me for something I can't do anything about. Beyond mentioning that people had ties to local communities, and even stressing later in the video that people around the world (like peasants in France) got their identities from local communities, not the nation, there's not much I can do. If you're not satisfied with that then I don't know what to tell you. For the rest of your criticism - saying the Greeks aren't necessarily stand-out... I mean I suppose that's an opinion. I think it's much more difficult to make the case that they were not stand-out than that they were. They were stand-out as a group of people in a number of ways, and that's reflected in their contribution to civilization ever since. I think it's heavily reductionist to reduce their significance to the fact that the Romans wrote about them. Their work survives on its own and was also preserved through other cultures, like in the Middle East, and also exists through their influence on civilizations around the world, including Rome. They were also unusual in how strongly they resembled a united nationality across Hellas, making the Delian League for example. That doesn't mean they were utterly unique, that there was nothing else on Earth that resembled them, but it does mean that they were unusual. Having a problem with me calling them Greeks also seems like a strange nitpick. Do you have that problem with every modern speaker calling them Greek? It's the modern term for them, and if we're going to quickly refer to them, that's the term that should be used. Otherwise you have to spend the time explaining who the Hellens were, which again would be inappropriate in a video about nationalism, not Greekness. Also your last point on dynasties and monarchies being the state being a POV, I'm simply just naming the highest official political authority across all the land. There's nothing subjective about it. It was just a fact. - Ryan
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  136. Hi, you've put some effort into this (somewhat condescending) post, so I'll respond with some detail in case you're open to hearing it. If you're truly interested in Hitler and understanding him then you've probably learned enough about him to be aware that you have to place what he said in context, because he said a great many things to a great many people that were contradictory, misleading, and often demonstrably untrue in order to achieve political goals. He put it this way as he campaigned: 'What record must I use? The national, the social, or the sentimental? Of course I have them all in my suitcase.' You could string together a similar bunch of quotes, for example, to make him seem anti-socialist (far more easily) or to make him seem like a lover of peace (which he wasn't). If you read his speeches and listen to what he said, there's one ideology he constantly invokes and it's nationalism. He is Germany, Germany is him, the people need to be one proud, strong German people and think accordingly as one. It's basic nationalism that he reiterated over and over his entire career, which was a philosophy he strongly embodied himself throughout, uncontroversially. Ignoring it will make your understanding of his movement confused. You may also notice in most of the quotes you invoked he only partially invoked socialism, sometimes with an obvious ulterior motive. He had no reservations like that with nationalism. You could also learn about socialism to come to the conclusion (as most people do) that his invoking of socialism was misleading and wrong. He wasn't an egalitarian. I'm also not sure why you dismiss the comparison to the DPRK claiming it's democratic. All major communists starting from Marx and continuing until that time similarly claimed they were democratic at times, and you could string quotes together from them to try to make the case they were, as you just did with Hitler and socialism. Just because a movement or person invokes democracy doesn't mean they're democratic, just as Hitler invoking socialism doesn't mean he was a socialist. You have to look more broadly at the movement and not selectively focus on the parts you want and present them out of context.
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  216. Hi, thanks for the comprehensive answer, but I don't think you've highlighted any errors here. For the first one, I never said the Quran was expounded all at once and am aware it happened over the rest of Muhammad's life. For the second, saying the Quran and Sunnah provided a complete system of guidance for Muslims at all doesn't make sense, whether it happened before or after Muhammad's death. Just saying it's complete doesn't get you anywhere. We can start with how complicated politics are, and how inadequate a single text or interpretations of a single man's life is to provide 'complete' answers to the question of politics. Or we could look at how both require interpretations, inherently dividing Muslims, seemingly forever into paths of separate understandings of these things without means to resolve them. Anyway, I don't see an error that you've highlighted here either. I didn't say there was an absence of rules by Muhammad's death, just that they were not thorough enough to provide comprehensive guidance for Muslims going forward, which led, necessarily to interpretations and infighting. You seem to be agreeing with that in your critique. With the third, I talked about this in my pinned comment. You're interpreting the text of the Quran to claim there are no contradictions. Not everyone agrees with you, and those passages are used outside of the interpretation you're giving here constantly. There would not be such discrepancy over what jihad meant if you didn't have to interpret the Quran and its inherent contradictions so heavily. That was my point, not that you couldn't interpret it to claim there are no contradictions.
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  223. ​ @williamcrawford7621  I think there are some good points here, but also some misunderstanding of what I said in this thread and misunderstanding about Nazism. One is fundamental to the movement. It wasn't about primarily about establishing international supremacy of a certain race, which would imply trying to establish international racial cooperation to achieve that goal. It was about primarily about establishing the greatness and the supremacy of Germany. Within that goal, they were racially discriminatory and supremacist (as well as discriminatory in other ways, which I said before). That's written in countless different ways in Mein Kampf and is just a basic point about the movement. On that note, I'm not sure what you're talking about when you say a cursory glance in MK reveals that race is everything (which I think you're implying says that it meant more to them than nation). Hitler establishes his nationalism first in the book, pg 10, and his racism second, around pg 55. His racism is established in nationalist terms (that they were internationalists that were hurting Germany). Nationalism runs so consistently throughout the book that I'm not sure how you'd make the argument that racism is clearly more important to him based on it. Allowing people from other nations to join the SS doesn't disprove what I just said, and I think is clearly something the Nazis felt they had to do to keep the momentum of their aggression going. The same for allowing puppet states, which I'm sure you realize are puppets under the umbrella of Germany. I don't have any issues with your presentation of Italy's stance on race. The only thing I'd say is that while they did deify the state, I think you miss the point if you don't acknowledge that it was a deification for the purposes of nationalism. On that note, the Nazis also deified the state and said quite similar things about it.
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