Youtube comments of ☆𝔍𝔬𝔥𝔫 ℜ𝔲𝔡𝔡𝔶☭ (@JohnKobaRuddy).
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how can a policy that ended in 2015 be to blame
The term one-child policy (Chinese: 一孩政策; pinyin: Yī Hái Zhèngcè) refers to a population planning initiative in China implemented between 1980 and 2015 to curb the country's population growth by restricting many families to a single child. That initiative was part of a much broader effort to control population growth that began in 1970 and ended in 2021, a half century program that included minimum ages at marriage and childbearing, two-child limits for many couples, minimum time intervals between births, heavy surveillance, and stiff fines for non-compliance. The program had wide-ranging social, cultural, economic, and demographic effects, although the contribution of one-child restrictions to the broader program has been the subject of controversy.[1]
China's family planning policies began to be shaped by fears of overpopulation in the 1970s, and officials raised the age of marriage and called for fewer and more broadly spaced births. Overpopulation, in the eyes of the state officials, would hinder their agenda to boost the national economy and improve people’s standard of living.[2] After a full decade of concerted efforts, a near universal one-child limit was imposed in 1980. It was then officially written into the constitution of the People’s Republic of China in 1982. As it was written in the constitution, couples have the obligation to abide by the requirements of family planning. All families were restricted to having only one child.[3] Later, some exceptions were allowed for specific groups of the population. In the mid-1980s rural parents were allowed to have a second child if the first was a daughter. It also allowed exceptions for some other groups, including ethnic minorities.[4] In 2015, the government removed all remaining one-child limits, establishing a two-child limit. In May 2021, this was loosened to a three-child limit,[5] in July 2021 all limits as well as penalties for exceeding them were removed.[6]
Implementation of the policy was handled at the national level primarily by the National Population and Family Planning Commission and at the provincial and local level by specialized commissions.[7] Officials used pervasive propaganda campaigns to promote the program and encourage compliance. The strictness with which it was enforced varied by period, region, and social status. In some cases, women were forced to use contraception, receive abortions, and undergo sterilization.[citation needed] Families who violated the policy faced large fines and other penalties, such as firings and restrictions for future careers.[citation needed]
The population control program had wide-ranging social effects, particularly for Chinese women. Patriarchal attitudes and a cultural preference for sons led to the abandonment of unwanted infant girls, some of whom died and others of whom were adopted abroad. Over time, this skewed the country's sex ratio toward men and created a generation of "missing women". However, the policy also resulted in greater workforce participation by women who would otherwise have been occupied with childrearing, and some girls received greater familial investment in their education. Even following the removal of the policy, birth rates in China remain lower now than they were previous to the implementation of the policy.[8]
The Chinese Communist Party credits the program with contributing to the country's economic ascendancy and says that it prevented 400 million births. Some scholars dispute that estimate, although objections focus on the impact of one-child limits.
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@impossiblewhopper539 sweet at least you’re willing to have a look, but here’s what i found in the link about assange: I know, I know, there comes a point where I'm just beating up on Glenn Greenwald. But... I mean... this is pretty amazing.
Earlier today, Wikileaks founder Julian Assange sat down with Democracy Now's Amy Goodman and launched into an incredible tirade about Greenwald's relationship with Pierre Omidyar and the Intercept.
Assange begins by claiming that Greenwald terminated his relationship with the Guardian (which won a Pulitzer for its reporting on NSA spying) "because The Guardian was censoring the material that he was trying to publish."
But he then goes on to criticize the Intercept and Pierre Omidyar, citing what appears to be a list of revelations first reported by Pando... (I've added the relevant links)
...unfortunately, First Look is not just Glenn. First Look is actually the big power. All the money and organization comes from Pierre Omidyar. And Pierre Omidyar is one of the founders—is the founder of eBay and owns PayPal and goes to the White House several times each year, has extensive connections with Soros, and can broadly be described as an extreme liberal centrist. So, he has quite a different view about what journalism entails. For example, he has said this year, and also in 2009, that if someone gave him a leak from a commercial organization, not from the government, then he would feel it was his duty to tell the police. So that’s a very different type of journalism standard that comes from Pierre Omidyar. And unfortunately, some of that, or perhaps a significant amount of it, has gone into First Look and created some constraints there.
And that was seen most—seen most disturbingly when First Look knew from the Edward Snowden documents that all of Afghanistan was having its telephone calls recorded. The video is here, and the full transcript of the Intercept segment is below.
AMY GOODMAN: Julian Assange, you just recently had a Twitter battle with Glenn Greenwald. It might have surprised some. You know, the whole Intercept, the new online publication, releasing information based on Edward Snowden’s documents around the NSA spying on whole countries. You felt that they should name the countries, not withhold any names. Explain what that was about.
JULIAN ASSANGE: Well, I have a lot of respect for Glenn. Glenn has defended WikiLeaks from the attack by the U.S. grand jury over a long period of time. And he’s been very brave in the Edward Snowden publications, and, you know, quite forthright. He left The Guardian, in part because of that reason, because The Guardian was censoring the material that he was trying to publish. But he entered into First Look. And unfortunately, First Look is not just Glenn. First Look is actually the big power. All the money and organization comes from Pierre Omidyar. And Pierre Omidyar is one of the founders—is the founder of eBay and owns PayPal and goes to the White House several times each year, has extensive connections with Soros, and can broadly be described as an extreme liberal centrist. So, he has quite a different view about what journalism entails. For example, he has said this year, and also in 2009, that if someone gave him a leak from a commercial organization, not from the government, then he would feel it was his duty to tell the police. So that’s a very different type of journalism standard that comes from Pierre Omidyar. And unfortunately, some of that, or perhaps a significant amount of it, has gone into First Look and created some constraints there.
And that was seen most—seen most disturbingly when First Look knew from the Edward Snowden documents that all of Afghanistan was having its telephone calls recorded. The National Security Agency had corruptly installed mass surveillance inside Afghan telcos, saying to the Afghan government that they were doing—installing this monitoring just going after drug dealers, not mass surveillance but targeted surveillance after Afghan opium dealers, and in fact they were recording the phone calls of every single Afghan. And that’s as great an assault to sovereignty as you can imagine, other than completely militarily occupying a country, to record the intimate phone calls of every single Afghan citizen. And Afghanistan, as a country, and its people have the right to choose their own destiny, knowing what is actually happening to them. And First Look decided that they would censor the fact that Afghanistan was having all its telephone calls recorded.
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@kenhiett5266 here’s some more evidence: MMy first day at First Look Media was December 30, 2013. I was thrilled to go to work at what seemed like it was going to be the most exciting place in journalism.
In the wake of the Edward Snowden leaks, Pierre Omidyar, who had founded eBay, had recruited Glenn Greenwald, Laura Poitras and Jeremy Scahill to launch the first of what he hoped would be several online magazines focused around various subjects. First Look’s debut project was to be The Intercept, pitched as a place “to hold the most powerful governmental and corporate factions accountable.”
Back when I was hired, First Look and The Intercept were just getting started. It seemed like it was going to be a fantastic opportunity for journalists. I was told that I could basically create my own job and write investigative stories about anything I wanted. I knew at the time little about Pierre Omidyar, the billionaire who founded and funded First Look, but he wasn’t a big part of my decision-making.
I assumed Omidyar must be a decent guy if he was going to pour $250 million into a new journalism venture, as he promised. Given that the organization had been founded in the wake of the NSA surveillance scandal that Snowden had launched, it was clear from the start that First Look Media would be a muckracking, confrontational publication with a libertarian streak—distrustful of government power and moneyed interests. To start it, Omidyar promised $50 million to get it off the ground. With resources like that, it had tremendous promise.
Plus, I figured, it couldn’t be worse than my last job.
How wrong I was—on both counts.
During the summer of 2013 I had been offered a job at Al Jazeera’s investigative unit, where I’d been promised full independence. I took the job because I was worried about the future of journalism—and especially my future in it. It hadn’t worked out as promised; I only lasted two months, quitting after I came to believe that the network’s political agenda in the Middle East compromised my ability to do journalism.
First Look couldn’t be any worse than that, right?
The selling point to those who were recruited to First Look was tremendous resources and tremendous freedom to pursue “fearless, independent journalism.” An editor I’d worked with before, Eric Bates, recruited me—asking me to write up a memo describing my dream job, an investigative position that combined long-form work with quick hit pieces oriented to the news. Then First Look hired me and told me to do exactly what I’d laid out.
That much happened—I was able to pursue all sorts of great stories. Where First Look faltered, though, was actually publishing my work and the work of the other journalists it hired.
Over the next six months, First Look became a slowly unfolding disaster, not because of editorial meddling from the top, but because of what I came to believe was epic managerial incompetence. What I observed was that the Omidyar-led management could not complete the simplest tasks—approving budgets or hires—without months of internal debate and apparent anguish. The Intercept didn’t even begin publishing until last February. (We weren’t supposed to call it “Glenn Greenwald’s The Intercept” because a lot of other people worked there, including me for a bit, but everyone knew Glenn was the anchor of the project.) After a pause ordered by editor in chief John Cook to address its internal dysfunction, the site relaunched in July with a good, complicated story about how the NSA and the FBI had been monitoring a few Muslim-Americans in the United States. Yet I saw how difficult the story was to birth for its chief editor, John Cook, and he didn’t end up lasting long—before quitting and returning to Gawker.
I was ready to start writing, too, but the day-to-day at First Look was anything but functional. I would find and begin researching stories that Eric approved, but there was no way to publish them—the organization’s editing structure was so lacking and insignificant, and on at least three occasions I saw stories that I had the inside track on get published in other outlets. (For example, this story about a New York hedge fund wrapped up with brutal African dictator Robert Mugabe. This was, as I recall, the first story approved by Eric—but we lost it many months later.) Not only did we produce virtually no work, but there was no real push to produce work from management. For all of the bean counting and expense account-approving that Omidyar’s organizational structure imposed on us, they were shockingly disinterested in the actual journalism.
Employees were initially told that we were free to spend whatever we needed for our reporting and the company simply asked that we spend its money responsibly, as we would if it were our own. But soon new orders came down from management that made it difficult to pay for a source’s drinks—and to report, at least in Washington, it is pretty much required that you be able to take sources out for drinks to have discreet, relaxed conversations. Over time, management began closely scrutinizing expense reports. Some of us became so frustrated, and intimidated, that we decided to simply stop expensing some legitimate reporting costs because it wasn’t worth the hassle of trying to get reimbursed.
From top to bottom, the company’s culture centered on Omidyar, an odd reverence that I thought not only undeserved, but outright embarrassing. This is a guy who got rich mostly through good timing in the tech business, not because he has an outstanding track record in journalism. Now that he’s rich, he is surrounded by Yes Men and Women who tell him he’s a genius—and while that might be fine in the business world, it’s not good for journalism. He was good at staying out of the journalism itself, but a cult of personality existed around him internally that disrupted the whole organization.
Meanwhile, there were frequent changes in top editorial and managerial positions—some employees quit and others were demoted or promoted with no explanation I saw to the staff, and top management was so aloof that it was hard to figure out who was in charge. Meanwhile, top managers would periodically gather to meet at a vast estate Omidyar owns near Las Vegas to make decisions about the organization’s future. Yet I frequently spoke to colleagues who, like me, had no idea where our ship was heading and felt enormously insecure about the company because there was so little communication. Instead, there would be periodic staff meetings where Omidyar and others would assure us that everything was going smashingly but provide no details, only platitudes about his commitment to journalism.
As to those staff meetings, Pierre would sometimes attend in person in New York—or remotely by video. I think I only met him twice in person, but I remember invariably he would say during these staff meetings, “You probably want to know what I think” and then talk about something, usually how much he loves journalism and the First Amendment. The company seemed to me to spend far too much time on all of the things other than actually producing journalism—obsessing over policies, procedures and meetings when what we actually needed to do was publish some stories. When I was hired I was told that the whole premise of First Look was that it would hire good reporters, get out of their way and let them do good work. That is pretty much the exact reverse of what happened.
I remember during one meeting speaking up out of exasperation because we were so far behind schedule, saying something like, “Journalism is not rocket science,” meaning, “For God’s sake, writing and editing and fact checking and posting stories on a website is really a pretty easy thing to do.” And Pierre, clearly annoyed, replied by saying something like, “No, it’s not, but it is rocket science to find an audience.” True to a point, but you can’t find an audience without posting stories for people to read
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"The Matrix is a system, Neo. That system is our enemy. But when you're inside, you look around, what do you see? Businessmen, teachers, lawyers, carpenters. The very minds of the people we are trying to save. But until we do, these people are still a part of that system and that makes them our enemy. You have to understand, most of these people are not ready to be unplugged. And many of them are so inert, so hopelessly dependent on the system that they will fight to protect it."
"Unfortunately, no one can be told what the Matrix is. You have to see it for yourself."
"The Matrix is the world that has been pulled over your eyes to blind you from the truth."
"The Matrix is a computer-generated dream world, built to keep us under control in order to change a human being into this."
So many people are so inert and need waking up quick
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@jamesdunn9609 here what Julian and co have to say (the link gets deleted) : I know, I know, there comes a point where I'm just beating up on Glenn Greenwald. But... I mean... this is pretty amazing.
Earlier today, Wikileaks founder Julian Assange sat down with Democracy Now's Amy Goodman and launched into an incredible tirade about Greenwald's relationship with Pierre Omidyar and the Intercept.
Assange begins by claiming that Greenwald terminated his relationship with the Guardian (which won a Pulitzer for its reporting on NSA spying) "because The Guardian was censoring the material that he was trying to publish."
But he then goes on to criticize the Intercept and Pierre Omidyar, citing what appears to be a list of revelations first reported by Pando... (I've added the relevant links)
...unfortunately, First Look is not just Glenn. First Look is actually the big power. All the money and organization comes from Pierre Omidyar. And Pierre Omidyar is one of the founders—is the founder of eBay and owns PayPal and goes to the White House several times each year, has extensive connections with Soros, and can broadly be described as an extreme liberal centrist. So, he has quite a different view about what journalism entails. For example, he has said this year, and also in 2009, that if someone gave him a leak from a commercial organization, not from the government, then he would feel it was his duty to tell the police. So that’s a very different type of journalism standard that comes from Pierre Omidyar. And unfortunately, some of that, or perhaps a significant amount of it, has gone into First Look and created some constraints there.
And that was seen most—seen most disturbingly when First Look knew from the Edward Snowden documents that all of Afghanistan was having its telephone calls recorded. The video is here, and the full transcript of the Intercept segment is below.
AMY GOODMAN: Julian Assange, you just recently had a Twitter battle with Glenn Greenwald. It might have surprised some. You know, the whole Intercept, the new online publication, releasing information based on Edward Snowden’s documents around the NSA spying on whole countries. You felt that they should name the countries, not withhold any names. Explain what that was about.
JULIAN ASSANGE: Well, I have a lot of respect for Glenn. Glenn has defended WikiLeaks from the attack by the U.S. grand jury over a long period of time. And he’s been very brave in the Edward Snowden publications, and, you know, quite forthright. He left The Guardian, in part because of that reason, because The Guardian was censoring the material that he was trying to publish. But he entered into First Look. And unfortunately, First Look is not just Glenn. First Look is actually the big power. All the money and organization comes from Pierre Omidyar. And Pierre Omidyar is one of the founders—is the founder of eBay and owns PayPal and goes to the White House several times each year, has extensive connections with Soros, and can broadly be described as an extreme liberal centrist. So, he has quite a different view about what journalism entails. For example, he has said this year, and also in 2009, that if someone gave him a leak from a commercial organization, not from the government, then he would feel it was his duty to tell the police. So that’s a very different type of journalism standard that comes from Pierre Omidyar. And unfortunately, some of that, or perhaps a significant amount of it, has gone into First Look and created some constraints there.
And that was seen most—seen most disturbingly when First Look knew from the Edward Snowden documents that all of Afghanistan was having its telephone calls recorded. The National Security Agency had corruptly installed mass surveillance inside Afghan telcos, saying to the Afghan government that they were doing—installing this monitoring just going after drug dealers, not mass surveillance but targeted surveillance after Afghan opium dealers, and in fact they were recording the phone calls of every single Afghan. And that’s as great an assault to sovereignty as you can imagine, other than completely militarily occupying a country, to record the intimate phone calls of every single Afghan citizen. And Afghanistan, as a country, and its people have the right to choose their own destiny, knowing what is actually happening to them. And First Look decided that they would censor the fact that Afghanistan was having all its telephone calls recorded.
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roccoparks here he is living the British working class: Churchill's reputation as being anti-union primarily stems from an incident in 1910.
His handling of the Tonypandy Riots that year was the source of much controversy and invited ill-feeling towards him in south Wales for the rest of his life.
His grandson even had to defend Churchill's actions as late as 1978, when Prime Minister James Callaghan referenced "the vendetta of your family against the miners of Tonypandy".
The riots had erupted in November 1910 in the south Wales town because of a dispute between workers and the mine owners, culminating in strikes that ultimately lasted almost a year.
When the strikers clashed with local police, Churchill - then home secretary - sent in soldiers.
Allegations that shots were fired by the soldiers were unfounded, explains Toye. In fact he'd sent a memo expressly denying that the use of violence was a possibility.
Yet it made him a "pantomime villain" in the area ever since, Louise Miskell, a historian at Swansea University, told the BBC in March 2014.
But a year later soldiers were again called in, this time to strike-related riots in Liverpool. On this occasion the soldiers did fire their weapons and two people were killed.
And in later years his contempt for unions became more pronounced, says Charmley.
In 1919, under Churchill, by now Secretary of State for Air and War, tanks and an estimated 10,000 troops were deployed to Glasgow during a period of widespread strikes and civil unrest amid fear of a Bolshevist revolt.
The Tonypandy incident is comparable to Margaret Thatcher's later struggles with miners, Charmley suggests. One could argue that had Churchill not moved in troops the situation could have been much worse and he would have been criticised even more, he says.
8. Sidney Street siege
Not long after the Tonypandy Riots, Churchill was under fire for rash involvement of a different sort.
The siege of Sidney Street was a gunfight in London's East End in January 1911. Some 200 police surrounded the hideout of a gang of Latvian anarchists led by "Peter the Painter", who had killed three policemen the month before.
A long gun battle ended with the deaths of two of the gang, after Churchill had ordered firefighters not to put out the burning building they'd been hiding in until the shooting had stopped.
But the controversy for Churchill arose from the appearance that he'd been issuing orders and directly meddling in police operations.
Arthur Balfour told the Commons: "He and a photographer were both risking valuable lives. I understand what the photographer was doing but what was the right honourable gentleman doing?"
For Churchill's opponents it was an example of rashness and instability, says Toye. A newsreel film had caught him in the midst of the action.
A contemporary wrote in a letter that "I do believe that Winston takes no interest in political affairs unless they involve the chance of bloodshed", explains Charmley.
"Churchill liked a photo opportunity before the word had been invented," says Charmley.
And here’s a headline by what you would moronically call a socialist paper because you can’t think called the guardian : Churchill’s genius was understanding how to keep working-class radicalism in check
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@actionjackson2481 Economy of Cuba
Statistics
Export goods petroleum, nickel, medical products, sugar, tobacco, fish, citrus, coffee
Main export partners Venezuela 17.8% Spain 12.2% Russia 7.9% Lebanon 6.1% Indonesia 4.5% Germany 4.3% (2017)
Imports $11.06 billion (2017 est.)
Import goods petroleum, food, machinery and equipment, chemicals
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@actionjackson2481 Whilst it is true, as others have pointed out, that the embargo hurts Cuba because of the predominance of the US dollar as the favored trading currency, the distance that Cuba had to travel to get goods it could have otherwise bought only 90 miles away and a myriad of other reasons already discussed, the most important reason is financing.
Most commercial transactions are based on credit, which like most poor countries in the world, Cuba doesn't have.
However, most other poor countries can get loans guaranteed by the US government whilst Cuba, because of the embargo, cannot.
Cuba's economy is devastated, but not because of the embargo, as the Castro brothers like to claim. Cuba's economy is a disaster for the same reason communism lost the Cold War: the communist economic model doesn't work.
Communist economies lacked productivity as there's no competition or incentive to be competitive. Simply put: when people make the same amount of money whether they work hard or not, they'll invariably choose the latter.
During its first thirty years of existence, Cuba's revolution survived at the expense of Soviet subsidies. When they lost those, the economy crumbled, bringing about what they termed a “Special Period” that could be better called a “Starvation Period”.
For a few years Cuba depended almost exclusively on its main exports: sugar, nickel, rum and of course, its famous cigars. However, except for the cigars, the world can find the rest of these products (of equal quality) elsewhere, so these exports could not possibly support the Cuban economy by themselves.
Then came Chavez and Venezuelan oil to the rescue. But again, the semi-communist way in which Chavez run the country, ended destroying the Venezuelan economy and now Venezuela, despite its oil, can hardly support itself.
This leaves Cuba once again in need of a new cash cow. Up until last year, it seemed that President Obama’s naive policies towards some of America's enemies would finally result in the lifting of the embargo and Cuba finding its cash cow, something that's no longer expected with the republicans back in power.
Righto I’m off to bed it’s 2:50 am here enjoy your capitalism when it fails yet again you can pay the bankers to stay afloat and blame communism for it
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@markscarborough7580 try this brainwash victim:
Prior to the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the archival revelations, some historians estimated that the numbers killed by Stalin's regime were 20 million or higher.[4][5][6] After the Soviet Union dissolved, evidence from the Soviet archives was declassified and researchers were allowed to study it. This contained official records of 799,455 executions (1921–1953),[7] around 1.7 million deaths in the Gulag,[8][9] some 390,000[10] deaths during the dekulakization forced resettlement and up to 400,000 deaths of persons deported during the 1940s,[11] with a total of about 3.3 million officially recorded victims in these categories.[12] The deaths of at least 5.5 to 6.5 million[13] persons in the Soviet famine of 1932–1933 are sometimes, but not always, included with the victims of the Stalin era.[2][14]
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@CoolPapaJMagik Criticism Edit
Whereas chapters of the book that describe the events in separate Communist states were highly praised, some generalizations made by Courtois in the introduction to the book became a subject of criticism both on scholarly and political[30]:139 grounds.[3]:236[31]:13[32]:68–72 Moreover, two of the book's main contributors (Jean-Louis Margolin and Nicolas Werth) as well as Karel Bartosek[6] publicly disassociated themselves from Stéphane Courtois' statements in the introduction and criticized his editorial conduct.[29] Margolin and Werth felt that Courtois was "obsessed" with arriving at a total of 100 million killed which resulted in "sloppy and biased scholarship",[33] faulted him for exaggerating death tolls in specific countries[6][34]:194[35]:123 and rejected the comparison between Communism and Nazism.[3]
Based on the results of their studies, Courtois estimated the total number of the victims at between 65 and 93 million, an unjustified and unclear sum according to Margolin and Werth.[36] In particular, Margolin, who authored the book's chapter on Vietnam, clarified "that he has never mentioned a million deaths in Vietnam".[6] Margolin likened Courtois's effort to "militant political activity, indeed, that of a prosecutor amassing charges in the service of a cause, that of a global condemnation of the Communist phenomenon as an essentially criminal phenomenon."[3] Historians Jean-Jacques Becker and J. Arch Getty criticized Courtois[37]:178 for failing to draw a distinction between victims of neglect and famine and victims of "intentional murder."[38] Regarding these questions, historian Alexander Dallin argued that moral, legal or political judgments hardly depend on the number of victims.[9]
Many observers have rejected Courtois' numerical and moral comparison of Communism to Nazism in the introduction.[31]:148[39][40] According to Werth, there was still a qualitative difference between Nazism and Communism, stating that "[d]eath camps did not exist in the Soviet Union."[38] On 21 September 2000, Werth further told Le Monde that "[t]he more you compare Communism and Nazism, the more the differences are obvious."[38] In a critical review, historian Amir Weiner wrote that "[w]hen Stalin's successors opened the gates of the Gulag, they allowed 3 million inmates to return home. When the Allies liberated the Nazi death camps, they found thousands of human skeletons barely alive awaiting what they knew to be inevitable execution."[14]:450–452 Historian Ronald Grigor Suny remarked that Courtois' comparison of 100 million victims of Communism to 25 million victims of Nazism "[leaves out] out most of the 40-60,000,000 lives lost in the Second World War, for which arguably Hitler and not Stalin was principally responsible."[41]:8 Anthropologist Kristen Ghodsee and philosopher Scott Sehon remarked that Courtois' death toll estimate for Nazism "conveniently" excludes those killed in World War II.[42] A report by the Wiesel Commission criticized the comparison of Gulag victims with Jewish Holocaust victims as an attempt to trivialize the Holocaust.[28] Some reviewers rejected the claim made in the book that "a lot of what they describe 'crimes, terror, and repression' has somehow been kept from the general public"[14] and questioned "[w]hether all these cases, from Hungary to Afghanistan, have a single essence and thus deserve to be lumped together—just because they are labeled Marxist or communist—is a question the authors scarcely discuss."[9]
Historian Peter Kenez criticized the chapter written by Nicholas Werth, arguing that "Werth can also be an extremely careless historian. He gives the number of Bolsheviks in October 1917 as 2,000, which is a ridiculous underestimate. He quotes from a letter of Lenin to Alexander Shliapnikov and gives the date as 17 October 1917; the letter could hardly have originated at that time, since in it Lenin talks about the need to defeat the Tsarist government, and turn the war into a civil conflict. He gives credit to the Austro-Hungarian rather than the German army for the conquest of Poland in 1915. He describes the Provisional Government as 'elected'. He incorrectly writes that the peasant rebels during the civil war did more harm to the Reds than to the Whites, and so on."[20] Historian Michael Ellman argued that the book's estimate of "at least 500,000" deaths during the Soviet famine of 1946–1947 "is formulated in an extremely conservative way, since the actual number of victims was much larger", with 1,000,000–1,500,000 excess deaths.[43] Historians such as Hiroaki Kuromiya and Mark Tauger challenged the authors' thesis that the famine of 1933 was largely artificial and genocidal.[44][12] According to journalist Gilles Perrault, the book ignores the effect of international factors, including military interventions, on the Communist experience.[45]
Noam Chomsky criticized the book and its reception as one-sided by outlining economist Amartya Sen's research on hunger. While India's democratic institutions prevented famines, its excess of mortality over China—potentially attributable to the latter's more equal distribution of medical and other resources—was nonetheless close to 4 million per year for non-famine years. Chomsky argued that "supposing we now apply the methodology of the Black Book" to India, "the democratic capitalist 'experiment' has caused more deaths than in the entire history of [...] Communism everywhere since 1917: over 100 million deaths by 1979, and tens of millions more since, in India alone."[46][47]
Historian Michael David-Fox criticized the figures as well as the idea to combine loosely connected events under a single category of Communist death toll, blaming Courtois for their manipulation and deliberate inflation which are presented to advocate the idea that Communism was a greater evil than Nazism. In particular, David-Fox criticized the idea to connect the deaths with some "generic Communism" concept, defined down to the common denominator of party movements founded by intellectuals.[48] Historians Jens Mecklenburg and Wolfgang Wippermann argued that a connection between the events in Pol Pot's Cambodia and Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union are far from evident and that Pol Pot's study of Marxism in Paris is insufficient for connecting radical Soviet industrialism and the Khmer Rouge's murderous anti-urbanism under the same category.[49]
Journalist William Blum, a critic of American foreign policy, stated that it is "a book that is to the study of communism what the [fabricated] Protocols of the Elders of Zion is to Judaism."[50] Journalist Seumas Milne, writing two articles for The Guardian in 2002 and 2006, argued that the impact of the post-Cold War narrative that Stalin and Hitler were twin evils and therefore communism is as monstrous as Nazism "has been to relativize the unique crimes of Nazism, bury those of colonialism and feed the idea that any attempt at radical social change will always lead to suffering, killing and failure". About the book, Milne stated that it "underplays the number of deaths attributable to Hitler."[51][52]
Le Siècle des communismes, a collective work of twenty academics, was a response to both François Furet's Le passé d'une Illusion and Stéphane Courtois' The Black Book of Communism. It broke communism down into series of discrete movements, with mixed positive and negative results.[53] The Black Book of Communism prompted the publication of several other "black books" which argued that similar chronicles of violence and death tolls can be constructed from an examination of capitalism and colonialism.[54][55][56]
See debunked
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No evidence you say? I’ve left two sets of facts in long type! Cope with it facts don’t care about your feelings. 200 years of anti working class propaganda has melted your brain throughly.
This is about the 100 million nonsense! Enjoy:
Criticism Edit
Whereas chapters of the book that describe the events in separate Communist states were highly praised, some generalizations made by Courtois in the introduction to the book became a subject of criticism both on scholarly and political[30]:139 grounds.[3]:236[31]:13[32]:68–72 Moreover, two of the book's main contributors (Jean-Louis Margolin and Nicolas Werth) as well as Karel Bartosek[6] publicly disassociated themselves from Stéphane Courtois' statements in the introduction and criticized his editorial conduct.[29] Margolin and Werth felt that Courtois was "obsessed" with arriving at a total of 100 million killed which resulted in "sloppy and biased scholarship",[33] faulted him for exaggerating death tolls in specific countries[6][34]:194[35]:123 and rejected the comparison between Communism and Nazism.[3]
Based on the results of their studies, Courtois estimated the total number of the victims at between 65 and 93 million, an unjustified and unclear sum according to Margolin and Werth.[36] In particular, Margolin, who authored the book's chapter on Vietnam, clarified "that he has never mentioned a million deaths in Vietnam".[6] Margolin likened Courtois's effort to "militant political activity, indeed, that of a prosecutor amassing charges in the service of a cause, that of a global condemnation of the Communist phenomenon as an essentially criminal phenomenon."[3] Historians Jean-Jacques Becker and J. Arch Getty criticized Courtois[37]:178 for failing to draw a distinction between victims of neglect and famine and victims of "intentional murder."[38] Regarding these questions, historian Alexander Dallin argued that moral, legal or political judgments hardly depend on the number of victims.[9]
Many observers have rejected Courtois' numerical and moral comparison of Communism to Nazism in the introduction.[31]:148[39][40] According to Werth, there was still a qualitative difference between Nazism and Communism, stating that "[d]eath camps did not exist in the Soviet Union."[38] On 21 September 2000, Werth further told Le Monde that "[t]he more you compare Communism and Nazism, the more the differences are obvious."[38] In a critical review, historian Amir Weiner wrote that "[w]hen Stalin's successors opened the gates of the Gulag, they allowed 3 million inmates to return home. When the Allies liberated the Nazi death camps, they found thousands of human skeletons barely alive awaiting what they knew to be inevitable execution."[14]:450–452 Historian Ronald Grigor Suny remarked that Courtois' comparison of 100 million victims of Communism to 25 million victims of Nazism "[leaves out] out most of the 40-60,000,000 lives lost in the Second World War, for which arguably Hitler and not Stalin was principally responsible."[41]:8 Anthropologist Kristen Ghodsee and philosopher Scott Sehon remarked that Courtois' death toll estimate for Nazism "conveniently" excludes those killed in World War II.[42] A report by the Wiesel Commission criticized the comparison of Gulag victims with Jewish Holocaust victims as an attempt to trivialize the Holocaust.[28] Some reviewers rejected the claim made in the book that "a lot of what they describe 'crimes, terror, and repression' has somehow been kept from the general public"[14] and questioned "[w]hether all these cases, from Hungary to Afghanistan, have a single essence and thus deserve to be lumped together—just because they are labeled Marxist or communist—is a question the authors scarcely discuss."[9]
Historian Peter Kenez criticized the chapter written by Nicholas Werth, arguing that "Werth can also be an extremely careless historian. He gives the number of Bolsheviks in October 1917 as 2,000, which is a ridiculous underestimate. He quotes from a letter of Lenin to Alexander Shliapnikov and gives the date as 17 October 1917; the letter could hardly have originated at that time, since in it Lenin talks about the need to defeat the Tsarist government, and turn the war into a civil conflict. He gives credit to the Austro-Hungarian rather than the German army for the conquest of Poland in 1915. He describes the Provisional Government as 'elected'. He incorrectly writes that the peasant rebels during the civil war did more harm to the Reds than to the Whites, and so on."[20] Historian Michael Ellman argued that the book's estimate of "at least 500,000" deaths during the Soviet famine of 1946–1947 "is formulated in an extremely conservative way, since the actual number of victims was much larger", with 1,000,000–1,500,000 excess deaths.[43] Historians such as Hiroaki Kuromiya and Mark Tauger challenged the authors' thesis that the famine of 1933 was largely artificial and genocidal.[44][12] According to journalist Gilles Perrault, the book ignores the effect of international factors, including military interventions, on the Communist experience.[45]
Noam Chomsky criticized the book and its reception as one-sided by outlining economist Amartya Sen's research on hunger. While India's democratic institutions prevented famines, its excess of mortality over China—potentially attributable to the latter's more equal distribution of medical and other resources—was nonetheless close to 4 million per year for non-famine years. Chomsky argued that "supposing we now apply the methodology of the Black Book" to India, "the democratic capitalist 'experiment' has caused more deaths than in the entire history of [...] Communism everywhere since 1917: over 100 million deaths by 1979, and tens of millions more since, in India alone."[46][47]
Historian Michael David-Fox criticized the figures as well as the idea to combine loosely connected events under a single category of Communist death toll, blaming Courtois for their manipulation and deliberate inflation which are presented to advocate the idea that Communism was a greater evil than Nazism. In particular, David-Fox criticized the idea to connect the deaths with some "generic Communism" concept, defined down to the common denominator of party movements founded by intellectuals.[48] Historians Jens Mecklenburg and Wolfgang Wippermann argued that a connection between the events in Pol Pot's Cambodia and Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union are far from evident and that Pol Pot's study of Marxism in Paris is insufficient for connecting radical Soviet industrialism and the Khmer Rouge's murderous anti-urbanism under the same category.[49]
Journalist William Blum, a critic of American foreign policy, stated that it is "a book that is to the study of communism what the [fabricated] Protocols of the Elders of Zion is to Judaism."[50] Journalist Seumas Milne, writing two articles for The Guardian in 2002 and 2006, argued that the impact of the post-Cold War narrative that Stalin and Hitler were twin evils and therefore communism is as monstrous as Nazism "has been to relativize the unique crimes of Nazism, bury those of colonialism and feed the idea that any attempt at radical social change will always lead to suffering, killing and failure". About the book, Milne stated that it "underplays the number of deaths attributable to Hitler."[51][52]
Le Siècle des communismes, a collective work of twenty academics, was a response to both François Furet's Le passé d'une Illusion and Stéphane Courtois' The Black Book of Communism. It broke communism down into series of discrete movements, with mixed positive and negative results.[53] The Black Book of Communism prompted the publication of several other "black books" which argued that similar chronicles of violence and death tolls can be constructed from an examination of capitalism and colonialism.[54][55][56]
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Since 1992, the UN General Assembly has passed a resolution every year condemning the ongoing impact of the embargo and declaring it in violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law. Israel is the only country that routinely joins the U.S. in voting against the resolution[16] as has Palau every year from 2004 to 2008. On October 26, 2010, for the 19th time, the General Assembly condemned the embargo, 187 to 2 with 3 abstentions. Israel sided with the U.S., while Marshall Islands, Palau and Micronesia abstained.[17] In 2014, out of the 193-nation assembly, 188 countries voted for the nonbinding resolution, the United States and Israel voted against and the Pacific Island nations Palau, Marshall Islands and Micronesia abstained.[2][18]
Generally, the voting of the UN General Assembly on this issue happens early in each session, which starts on Q4 each year. In 2020, there was no voting on this issue due to the COVID-19 pandemic.[19] The voting in June 2021 was a part of the Seventy-fifth session of the United Nations General Assembly. On June 23, 2021, a resolution demanding an end of the US economic blockade on Cuba was passed by the General Assembly for the 29th year in a row. One-hundred and eighty-four countries voted in favour of the resolution, the United States and Israel voted against and Colombia, Ukraine, and Brazil abstained.[20][21]
Good enough for you?
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The embargo has been criticized for its effects on food, clean water,[83] medicine, and other economic needs of the Cuban population. Criticism has come from both Fidel Castro and Raúl Castro, citizens and groups from within Cuba, and international organizations and leaders. Some academic critics, outside Cuba, have also linked the embargo to shortages of medical supplies and soap which have resulted in a series of medical crises and heightened levels of infectious diseases.[84][85] Academic critics have also been linked to epidemics of specific diseases, including neurological disorders and blindness caused by poor nutrition.[84][86] Travel restrictions embedded in the embargo have also been shown to limit the amount of medical information that flows into Cuba from the United States.[83] An article written in 1997 suggests malnutrition and disease resulting from increased food and medicine prices have affected men and the elderly, in particular, due to Cuba's rationing system which gives preferential treatment to women and children.[85] Cuban Foreign Minister Felipe Pérez Roque called the embargo "an act of genocide", quoting a classified State Department memo dated April 6, 1960, that called on the US to use every tool at its disposal to bring down Fidel Castro through hunger and disease.[23]
On May 1, 2009, Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, while speaking about his meeting U.S. President Barack Obama at a summit days earlier, stated "if President Obama does not dismantle this savage blockade of the Cuban people, then it is all a lie, it will all be a great farce and the U.S. empire will be alive and well, threatening us."[87] In June 2009, Moisés Naím wrote in Newsweek: "The embargo is the perfect example used by anti-Americans everywhere to expose the hypocrisy of a superpower that punishes a small island while cozying to dictators elsewhere."[88]
The Helms-Burton Act has been the target of criticism from Canadian and European governments in particular, who object to what they say is the extraterritorial pretensions of a piece of legislation aimed at punishing non-U.S. corporations and non-U.S. investors who have economic interests in Cuba. In the House of Commons of Canada, Helms-Burton was mocked by the introduction of the Godfrey-Milliken Bill, which called for the return of property of United Empire Loyalists seized by the American government as a result of the American Revolution (the bill never became law). The European Council has stated that it:[89]
while reaffirming its concern to promote democratic reform in Cuba, recalled the deep concern expressed by the European Council over the extraterritorial effects of the "Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (Libertad) Act" adopted by the United States and similar pending legislation regarding Iran and Libya. It noted the widespread international objections to this legislation. It called upon President Clinton to waive the provisions of Title III and expressed serious concern at the measures already taken to implement Title IV of the Act. The Council identified a range of measures which could be deployed by the EU in response to the damage to the interests of EU companies resulting from the implementation of the Act. Among these are the following:
a move to a WTO dispute settlement panel;
'changes in the procedures governing entry by representatives of US companies to EU Member States;
the use/introduction of legislation within the EU to neutralize the extraterritorial effects of the US legislation;
the establishment of a watch list of US companies filing Title III actions.
Some critics of the embargo say that the embargo helps the Cuban government more than it hurts it, by providing it with a bogeyman for all of Cuba's misfortunes. Hillary Clinton publicly shared the view that the embargo helps the Castros, saying that "It is my personal belief that the Castros do not want to see an end to the embargo and do no want to see normalization with the United States." Clinton said in the same interview that "we're open to changing with them."[citation needed]
In a 2005 interview, George P. Shultz, who served as Secretary of State under Reagan, called the embargo "insane".[90] Daniel Griswold, director of the Cato Institute's Center for Trade Policy Studies, criticized the embargo in a June 2009 article:[91]
The embargo has been a failure by every measure. It has not changed the course or nature of the Cuban government. It has not liberated a single Cuban citizen. In fact, the embargo has made the Cuban people a bit more impoverished, without making them one bit more free. At the same time, it has deprived Americans of their freedom to travel and has cost US farmers and other producers billions of dollars of potential exports.
Some American business leaders openly call for an end to the embargo. They argue, as long as the embargo continues, non-U.S. foreign businesses in Cuba that violate the embargo, do not have to compete with U.S. businesses, and thus, will have a head start when and if the embargo is lifted.[92]
Some religious leaders oppose the embargo for a variety of reasons, including humanitarian and economic restrictions the embargo imposes on Cubans. Pope John Paul II called for the end to the embargo during his 1979 pastoral visit to Mexico.[93] Patriarch Bartholomew I called the embargo a "historic mistake" while visiting the island on January 25, 2004.[94] Rev. Jesse Jackson, Rev. Al Sharpton, and Minister Louis Farrakhan have also publicly opposed the embargo. On May 15, 2002, former President Jimmy Carter spoke in Havana, calling for an end to the embargo, saying "Our two nations have been trapped in a destructive state of belligerence for 42 years, and it is time for us to change our relationship." The US bishops called for an end to the embargo on Cuba, after Pope Benedict XVI's 2012 visit to the island.[95]
Film director Michael Moore challenged the embargo by bringing 9/11 rescue workers in need of health care to Cuba to obtain subsidized health care.[96]
In June 2011, former Democratic presidential candidate George McGovern blamed "embittered Cuban exiles in Miami" for keeping the embargo alive. Before visiting Cuba, he said:[97]
It's a stupid policy. There's no reason why we can't be friends with the Cubans, and vice versa. A lot of them have relatives in the United States, and some Americans have relatives in Cuba, so we should have freedom of travel ... We seem to think it's safe to open the door to a billion communists in China but for some reason, we're scared to death of the Cubans.
Barack Obama discussed easing the embargo during his 2008 campaign for president of the U.S.,[98] though he promised to maintain it.[99] In December 2014, he called the embargo a failure, asking the U.S. Congress to enact legislation to lift it entirely.[100]
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