Comments by "D W" (@DW-op7ly) on "A 'new narrative' about the Chinese economy is emerging: Asset management firm" video.
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The Commie invasion of Vietnam was never about colonization of Vietnam and you know it
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Sino-Vietnamese conflicts (1979–1991)
When the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) withdrew from Vietnam in March 1979 after the war, China announced that they were not ambitious for "any square inch of the territory of Vietnam".[3] However, Chinese troops occupied an area of 60 square kilometres (23 sq mi), which was disputed land controlled by Vietnam before hostilities broke out.[4] In some places such as the area around Friendship Gate near the city of Lạng Sơn, Chinese troops occupied territories which had little military value but important symbolic value. Elsewhere, Chinese troops occupied the strategic positions of military importance as springboards to attack Vietnam.[5]
The Chinese occupation of border territory angered Vietnam, and this ushered in a series of border conflicts between Vietnam and China to gain control of the area. These conflicts continued until 1988, peaking in the years 1984–1985.[6] By the early 1990s, along with the withdrawal of Vietnam from Cambodia and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the relationship between the two countries gradually returned to normality. By 1991, the two countries proclaimed the normalization of their diplomatic relations, thereby ending the border conflicts.
Wikipedia
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In Defense of Socialism, 1990–1991
After the collapse of socialist regimes in Eastern Europe, the VCP chief and defense minister sought an ideological alliance with China.
As Party Chief Nguyen Van Linh explained to the Chineseambassador to Vietnam on June 5, 1990, the situation was marked by the West’s offensive to eliminate socialismand concurrently the difficulties of the Soviet Union in defending socialism.
In this situation, Linh concluded,
“China should raise high the banner of socialism and stick to Marxism-Leninism.”
Linh and Defense Minister Le Duc Anh hoped that Chinawould take the leadership of the world’s socialist forces;
they indicated to the ambassador that they were ready to meet Chinese leaders to discuss solidarity between the two states to fight imperialism.
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On September 2 that year, Vietnam’s Independence Day, the party and government chiefs did not stay in Hanoi to celebrate the 45th birthday of their state but instead flew to Chengdu, China, for a secret summit with Chineseleaders, the first since the mid-1970s.
The Vietnamese understood that their acceptance
of the time, place, and participants was a sign of deference to China.
Participants included Vietnam’s elder statesman Pham Van Dong but not China’s paramount leader Deng Xiaoping; Foreign Minister Thach was excluded.
During the meeting, the Vietnamese also let the Chinesedictate the terms of negotiation;this should be seen against the background of a decade-long hostility between the two countries.
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The Vietnamese had urgent reasons for taking this approach. At the time, the counterweight of the Soviet Union was no longer available and Vietnam was still isolated, regionally and globally.
In China, Vietnam faced a disproportionately powerful neighbor, and in order to prevent Chinese aggression, Hanoi had to pay deference to Beijing.
It appeared to be the calculation of Pham Van
Dong and, to some extent, Prime Minister Do Muoi.
Yet, as discussed above, General Secretary Nguyen Van Linh had different concerns and priorities.
His primary intention at Chengdu was to discuss how to protect socialism from the West, led by the United States.
Although the Chinese refused to play the solidarity game, Linh and his successors over the next decade kept trying to reestablish the Sino-Vietnamese relationship on an ideological basis.
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