Comments by "Tim Trewyn" (@timtrewyn453) on "Силиконовый занавес" channel.

  1. What Britian and Europe can have been doing since the invasion is a steady buildup of the Ukrainian Air Force. This is necessary because the structure of NATO relies upon air forces to deter Russian aggression. NATO was never going to be able to replace air power with 600,000 artillery shells per month. The NATO method is precision strike, which includes a large percentage of munitions, not all, delivered by air power. If this air power building effort has been underway since 2022, then we should start to see some serious fruition of capability in 2025. Certainly US and other armed forces put even more time into training combat pilots than three years. But three years of training can get a pilot prepared for a small set of mission types. Serious Ukrainian air power, in the form of adding a wing (say 72 aircraft with aircrews and all support) per year starting in 2025, can tilt the war into a set of circumstances that motivate Putin to cut a deal. Putin's MIC has its limits, and those limits have required the depletion of stored armor and artillery that to date have allowed Russia to fight with a tempo it is losing the ability to sustain. Russia can probably sustain some tempo for many years. But a larger and well-equipped Ukrainian air force can concentrate combat power on vital locations that will put Russia in a much more defensive position and subject to loss of those vital locations. Ukraine can only do this with significant European assistance, and as much as it can get from the Trump administration. I can see the rhetoric teeing up Trump to look weak if he does not continue significant assistance to Ukraine.
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  10. It is not the case that every person, or even most persons, in Ukraine who speak Russian is loyal to Russia. I personally know several who want nothing to do with Russia. The Russian language is widespread in Ukraine and many grew up there with it as their primary language because of Soviet influence. And now my Ukrainian friends are learning a great deal of English, which certainly will not endear them to Russian leadership but will strengthen the bond between Ukraine and the West. In Kherson, Ukraine will need to innovate with multiple shore installations on both banks for not only boats but eventually larger barges for bulk supply of forces on the left bank. Once these forces push the more common and prolific types of Russian artillery out of range of the selected portions of the river, then pontoon bridges and even artificial islands can be used to form a web of repairable crossings to increase the flow heavy equipment southward. No doubt the system will be attacked, but like the electric utility system, it is possible to offset losses with timely repairs. The long distance to Kherson is an advantage for Ukraine, increasing the difficulty of Russian eastern and southern forces reinforcing each other. Russia may very well decide it needs to cede more of Kherson oblast to maintain control of its land bridge to Crimea. Ukraine needs to be developing a potent, permanent riverine engineering capability to maintain sovereignty. They might as well get started on it now. It will force Russia to increase its logistical effort over a longer distance and thwart much of its investment in the defense of Zaporizhya. One wonders if decommissioned American littoral combat ships would be of any use to Ukraine.
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  23. As an American citizen, age 65, I am aware of American imperialism. Human, emphasis on human, history is filled with imperialism. It does not surprise me that America and Russia are imperial powers, as a study of both histories makes plain. Abraham Lincoln, preserving the Union; Catherine the Great, Empress of Russia. What is hypocritical is the proclamation of innocence by any empire. No one is innocent if they accrue any benefit from the largesse of the empire they live under. The average American citizen, as a voter and a critic, has slightly more power than the average Russian citizen to question authority and replace poor leadership. I think that's evident by the social and electoral history of the United States. But the average citizen has little influence when economic powers that be need a change in some small government. And it's one thing to make a list like the above, and quite another to look into the circumstances of each event. I am not going to advocate that Ukraine capitulate to the Russian empire because I should be ashamed of America's imperial history. The average Russian should be as much or more ashamed for this war, although I blame them less for it, as they have next to no power to alter their government. What boggles my mind is the perpetual Russian claims of innocence and infallibility. It boggles my mind because such self-deception led to the fall of the Soviet Union, and the current Russian regime is composed of a very similar mentality. To a considerable extent, the incompetence this mentality produces is on display in the military performance of the Russian empire against a smaller power it shares a land border with and supposedly enjoys superiority over in every military metric. While on the surface, Putin enjoys unmatched support in any election, deep down there appears to be a rather wide disconnect between the Russian people and the Russian government. The FSB and the world's finest corps of riot police keeps that disconnect from getting out of hand. The average US citizen reconnects with the government at least every two years by voting. So no, the list does not change my mind. Slava Ukraine.
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  25. No. I think the US national security establishment understands psychopaths. Not that long ago they went up against the world's fourth strongest military, Iraq, out of concern for that bully leader's trends, and changed that regime. But he did not have nukes. I think Western behavior has more to do with the prevailing American (and perhaps other) interests deciding that Ukraine is not worth the risk of nuclear escalation and has made that known to the White House. See Lloyd Austin's press conference early in the war after 2/24/22. He gets uncharacteristically animated about avoiding nuclear conflict. "It shall not happen" seems to have come down from multiple places on high. Ms. Berlin seems to think the President has the last say on these matters. He is definitely a player because he is the manager, but not the owner, of the federal government. He is not the only player in such decisions. I think that more logically explains the very calibrated delivery of military aid and calibrated tests of what the Russian regime will do in reaction to a specific act of war or set of circumstances. We now know it may be less risky to take out the Kerch Bridge in an isolated, surgical operation, but do that in coordination with broad combined arms assaults across the line and especially the land bridge and Russia might decide it can take the steam out of that with dozens of tactical nuclear detonations in Ukraine. A Russian nuclear spasm in Ukraine is possible. The bully paradigm really does not apply. The psychopathic paradigm must be considered. Putin cannot look weak to the rest of his regime. He has also proven he is willing demolish Ukrainian cities. And what catastrophic consequence were we going to mete out after taking down the Kerch bridge? Take out the relatively unused port of Sevastopol? Become Ukraine's air force? How does Ukraine move on from that point? Russia has to be left thinking it can adjust and persevere in the long run without resorting to supplementing its bombardment capabilities with tactical nuclear weapons. It might be willing to make a withdrawal from the Kherson Oblast in pieces without resorting to nuclear weapons, but only if it believes it will recover Kherson and reestablish the fresh water supply to Crimea. Russia is now on a war footing for the long run, and Ukraine will need to be in NATO and under its nuclear umbrella to retain what it has and what it might recover. The real test of Western resolve will be the strength of the NATO fortification of the remnant of Ukraine, which Russia will vehemently oppose. I don't see how Putin saves face if he just lets Russian forces in Ukraine collapse. He will do what he can do. This ends like Korea, a very tense armistice. Stopped in Ukraine and by NATO on the west, Putin will probably head for the Stans. Now there's a country that will be very difficult to help without starting immediately to provide them military aid. Like the Soviets, Putin's psychopathic paradigm will run the Russian economy into another collapse. Western oligarchs take note that our system seems more sustainable for wealth.
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  31. Russia has to consider China's interest in the Arctic of the future as well as China's economic and expanding military power. China's capacity to develop and manage resources is likely to increase its influence in eastern Russia. China is likely to carry out this expansion of influence very incrementally, yet purposefully because of its own needs and interests. A highly sanctioned Russia will have little choice but to accept some of this expansion of Chinese power in exchange for Chinese purchases of Russian resources. Look at the advantages that China seeks for itself in terms of technology transfer as an example. I propose this is a factor in the Russian invasion of Ukraine, because Ukraine for a very long time will be too far a reach for China compared to Moscow. Russia may assess that overall, seizing land for power makes more sense near western Russia than eastern. Nuclear arsenal metrics aside, Russian hubris in its actions is clear, but Russian leadership perspective is based on successive victories in the expansion of its power, not international cooperation in a context of climate change. Russia has a vain concept of its capacity, and it also seems to a vain concept of China's capacity or willingness to buttress Russian capacity. Reality is facing Russia with a dilemma. It is not acquiring the power Putin thought it would acquire by invading Ukraine to offset the rise of Chinese power. The West is doing what it can to present Putin with a very grim, long-term future. But Putin, like Trump, has trouble processing loss. He seems to always be chasing some silver lining he sees. I don't know that public discussion on how this sorts out for China might get Putin's attention in time to consider how his losses in Ukraine could accelerate Russia's loss of power to China, but it might be worth a try.
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  34. Christopher Hitchens described the Russian government as a "psychopathic dictatorship." A study of psychopathy expands one's perspective on that regime. We can empathize with most of the Russian people, but the Russian regime generally has no empathy for anyone. It is psychopathic. For them, winning isn't everything. Winning is the only thing. And the regime is very hard to topple as long as its gunmen and their handlers are paid something and are essentially the only ones armed. A real fear for the regime now is not the loss of common soldiers, but the less frequent loss of those upper ranks tasked with managing and sometimes executing common soldiers, and the far less frequent loss of skilled FSB operatives tasked with reforming occupied territories. A long-term attrition of such key personnel, and the need to backfill losses of these key personnel, will weaken the regime. The regime indeed may have entered Ukraine because its oil and gas prosperity had funded an expansion of the cadre of gunmen and handlers. Perhaps from an FSB perspective, the regime was ready to expand its control over more land and people, and it is likely for the moment that its attrition is not a significant consideration. While crass in many respects, over the decades Russian internal security organizations have refined the business of controlling the population to a high degree, and they have access to the internal security laboratories of the likes of China, North Korea, and Cuba from which to draw additional techniques. The regime's concern with Ukraine being able to threaten Russian territory has to do with the ability to strike command and control, and I mean control not just of military operations but internal security operations. This function is well secured in most of Russian territory, but in Ukraine or near it, internal security force protection is less assured. Weaken regime control of its forces in and near Ukraine and large numbers of Russian troops in Ukraine may very well surrender for the sake of their lives and families.
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  43. I think what is being missed here is that the West is not providing the Russian public much cause to become militant and thus help Putin succeed in his program. Even Russian military targets can involve the death of family members and the ripple effects that go with that. On the flip side, Putin has to take care not to provoke the European and American public with obvious violence in their own countries that could rally a response on a Pearl Harbor or 9/11 scale. No doubt he has elements in his own regime that are not impressed with that kind of restraint. The Russian public could become militant this winter if Ukraine were to unleash what it has become more capable of doing, that is, a strong strike on the Russian electric grid at the coldest possible time. This could create the kind of death and calamity, essentially a large-scale apartment bombing, that Putin likes to think will fill the ranks with energy and dramatically advance his program and legacy. The Western program is the slow and steady weakening of the Russian military, and, to the extent possible, the FSB. It also is to put Russia in a position of being little help in a Chinese seizure of Taiwan. Jake is right to propose to European governments that the time to show Russia that this can go on and on to Russia's detriment is near. If Trump is of no assistance (and Trump and his MAGA world would be very pleased to see Europe fend for itself) then Europe will be facing a decisive moment. If the process of weakening Russia is reversed, they stand to lose their prime opportunity to salvage Ukraine and its great people and resources for Europe unless they act to continue the steady decline of the Russian regime. I don't think the answer on the next American administration is obtained quickly. It is very much in Russia's interest to destabilize the United States through covertly contracting American useful idiots. Russia was doing that in Ukraine and has done it in other European nations like Hungary and Georgia. Americans may very well experience something far more chaotic than the short disruption of January 6th if Trump does not win. If Trump does win, the Russians will be able to be more subtle and systematic in turning enough Americans toward Russian interests. The Russian military may be under a lot of stress, but I'm afraid the FSB is quite intact and ready to do the job.
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  48. The Kremlin feels it has to put on a show for the Russian people every day. They are trying to get Russians riled up to improve enlistment in the armed forces so they can overwhelm Ukraine. Does anybody have any sense of the average Russian's ability to get a variety of news that isn't written by Moscow? If the Kremlin sees they are losing the information war in Russia, that would be a vital component to bringing this to an end. Geographically, yes Crimea has that combination of attributes that compels Russia to heavily defend it and Ukraine to take it. That battle could make Bakhmut look small, and I don't know that Russia would ever stop bombing the Ukrainian held parts of Crimea until its own economy went into collapse. Until then attacking Crimea could take considerable pressure off of other parts of Ukraine. Ukrainian air defense would be challenged by the expansion of territory to be protected. Ukraine needs both roads into Crimea, and clearly the Russians know this. I was pleased to hear Ukraine was receiving riverine assets, but they would need a lot of these to effectively supplement logistics via truck on the roads, and the Russians may have a focus on disrupting riverine operations. Ukraine has been collecting Russian tanks. They need to collect Russian boats, not just to get into Crimea, but to get back the rest of Kherson Oblast. D-Day and cross Channel logistics are indeed relevant and informative, and Ukraine will need to establish long-term naval (something like squadrons of road transportable PT boats with drones) and amphibious and/or drone resupply capabilities if it is going to hold Crimea.
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