Comments by "Bullet-Tooth Tony" (@Bullet-Tooth-Tony-) on "Eisenhower’s Broad Front vs Monty’s Narrow Front in 1944" video.
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Three prominent German commanders all thought the same, it was the wrong strategy.
First is Field Marshall Von Runstedt
“the best course of the Allies would have been to concentrate a really strong striking force with which to break through past Aachen to the Ruhr area. Strategically and politically, Berlin was the target. Germany’s strength is in the north. He who holds northern Germany holds Germany. Such a break-through, coupled with air domination, would have torn in pieces the weak German front and ended the war. Berlin and Prague would have been occupied ahead of the Russians. There were no German forces behind the Rhine, and at the end of August our front was wide open.There was the possibility of an operational break-through in the Aachen area, in early September. This would have facilitated a rapid conquest of the Ruhr and a quicker advance on Berlin. By turning the forces from the Aachen area sharply northward, the German 15th and 1st parachute Armies could have been pinned against the estuaries of the Maas and the Rhine. They could not have escaped eastwards into Germany.”
Second is Hasso Von Mantueffel, commander of the 5th Panzer Army.
“I am in full agreement with Montgomery. I believe General Eisenhower’s insistence on spreading the Allied force’s out for a broader advance was wrong.The acceptance of Montgomery’s plan would have shortened the war considerably. Above all, tens of thousands of lives- on both sides- would have been saved.”
Lastly, Gunther Blumentritt, one of the key planners of the German invasion of Poland and France.
"After the war, Blumentritt disagreed with the Allies' strategy in the west at this time, noting the precarious nature of the German position with only one armoured division against the twelve of the Allies. He stated that had Montgomery's Anglo-Canadian 21st Army Group been unleashed earlier for a concentrated armoured assault (as Montgomery had wished) rather than fighting on a broad front, "Such a breakthrough ... would have torn the weak German front to pieces and ended the war in the winter of 1944."
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@johnlucas8479 Would logistic problems have defeated Monty’s big left hook?
If I may put in another word, the question of logistics is often raised. The Allies in autumn 1944 had great strength in manpower, armour and all equipment, but prior to opening up a large Channel port, it was impossible to bring all their strength to bear on the front line.
Eisenhower stated this problem meant Montgomery’s planned thrust could not have been maintained logistically. Carlo d’Este echoes that view. However, Monty’s plan, if implemented as he intended, would actually have solved the logistic problem more swiftly than any other approach.
First, you take all the armour and motorised units of four armies (Crerar, Dempsey, Simpson, Hodges) and make one mobile attacking force, under a single commander (Montgomery or Bradley). Secondly, you take the logistic resources (engineers, pioneers, transport, fuel, etc.) of five armies (the above four plus Patton) and use them to support the attack. You send this mighty force driving ahead on the left wing through Belgium and Holland, leaving non-motorised troops behind in static defence.
The attacking force is now more mobile than ever, because it is 100% motorised, and has more fuel than ever, because it has five armies’ worth of fuel in place of four. At the same time, the combined engineering and pioneer resources of five armies give it the ability to surmount rapidly any and all physical obstacles it may meet. It is also easier to resupply these forces, as they are all in one place, not dispersed on a wide front. In this way, the immediate logistic problems are solved.
The nub of the matter is this: the amount of fuel and resources initially available under Ike’s plan and Monty’s plan is the same. As events showed, that amount was sufficient to let five entire armies move forward steadily in line abreast along the whole front. If you extract the armour and mass it in one sector, and give it all the fuel and support, you can then drive that smaller but much more powerful force ahead a lot faster and a lot further.
What can the enemy now do against this fast-striding behemoth? Any German armoured force in or near its path faces a sharp dilemma: either fight where you stand (suicide) or withdraw to concentrate with other units (surrendering territory). The only logical course for the German armoured and mobile units is to withdraw, pull together whatever strength they have and postpone battle until it becomes unavoidable.
However, it is quite possible that Hitler, initially at least, would have issued non-withdrawal orders. In that case, each Panzer force would have been destroyed in turn as it came up against the Mighty Mobile. Either way, the Allied advance would rapidly clear the Low Countries of German armour. Now Antwerp and other ports could be opened up.
In this scenario, German occupying troops left stranded by the disappearance of their armour and supplies would no doubt resist for a time and would sabotage and destroy port facilities as much as they could (as happened in the actual event). However, the difference in this case is, first, the time they have available for sabotage is less, because the clearance of the region has been that much quicker, and secondly, the resources the Allies have for repairing facilities are that much greater (five armies’ engineers instead of one or two).
As a result, Antwerp and other ports would have been in operational use by the Allies a good deal earlier than actually happened, and the Allied thrust would have been reinforced all the more.
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@johnlucas8479 Would logistic problems have defeated Monty’s big left hook?
If I may put in another word, the question of logistics is often raised. The Allies in autumn 1944 had great strength in manpower, armour and all equipment, but prior to opening up a large Channel port, it was impossible to bring all their strength to bear on the front line.
Eisenhower stated this problem meant Montgomery’s planned thrust could not have been maintained logistically. Carlo d’Este echoes that view. However, Monty’s plan, if implemented as he intended, would actually have solved the logistic problem more swiftly than any other approach.
First, you take all the armour and motorised units of four armies (Crerar, Dempsey, Simpson, Hodges) and make one mobile attacking force, under a single commander (Montgomery or Bradley). Secondly, you take the logistic resources (engineers, pioneers, transport, fuel, etc.) of five armies (the above four plus Patton) and use them to support the attack. You send this mighty force driving ahead on the left wing through Belgium and Holland, leaving non-motorised troops behind in static defence.
The attacking force is now more mobile than ever, because it is 100% motorised, and has more fuel than ever, because it has five armies’ worth of fuel in place of four. At the same time, the combined engineering and pioneer resources of five armies give it the ability to surmount rapidly any and all physical obstacles it may meet. It is also easier to resupply these forces, as they are all in one place, not dispersed on a wide front. In this way, the immediate logistic problems are solved.
The nub of the matter is this, the amount of fuel and resources initially available under Ike’s plan and Monty’s plan is the same. As events showed, that amount was sufficient to let five entire armies move forward steadily in line abreast along the whole front. If you extract the armour and mass it in one sector, and give it all the fuel and support, you can then drive that smaller but much more powerful force ahead a lot faster and a lot further.
What can the enemy now do against this fast-striding behemoth? Any German armoured force in or near its path faces a sharp dilemma: either fight where you stand (suicide) or withdraw to concentrate with other units (surrendering territory). The only logical course for the German armoured and mobile units is to withdraw, pull together whatever strength they have and postpone battle until it becomes unavoidable.
However, it is quite possible that Hitler, initially at least, would have issued non-withdrawal orders. In that case, each Panzer force would have been destroyed in turn as it came up against the Mighty Mobile. Either way, the Allied advance would rapidly clear the Low Countries of German armour. Now Antwerp and other ports could be opened up.
In this scenario, German occupying troops left stranded by the disappearance of their armour and supplies would no doubt resist for a time and would sabotage and destroy port facilities as much as they could (as happened in the actual event). However, the difference in this case is, first, the time they have available for sabotage is less, because the clearance of the region has been that much quicker, and secondly, the resources the Allies have for repairing facilities are that much greater (five armies’ engineers instead of one or two).
As a result, Antwerp and other ports would have been in operational use by the Allies a good deal earlier than actually happened, and the Allied thrust would have been reinforced all the more.
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@johntrottier1162
Monty’s concept was of a concentrated mass of Allied armour, with all available logistical support devoted to it, directed against the Ruhr, a threat which would force the remaining German armour to give battle, and then let the great Allied superiority in armour and air power destroy it.
When you have that level of superiority, what you need is a large set battle to exploit it. If this basic concept had been applied, the Germans would have been forced to come out and fight for the Ruhr, just as the Japanese were forced to come out and fight for Leyte. Once the German armour was finished off, the road to Berlin then really would lie open.
This was the Schlieffen plan in reverse: a wide flanking move to reach round and stab the enemy in his industrial heartland. The appearance of the mass of Allied armour on their west flank heading round towards the Ruhr would inevitably force the German armour to come to meet it. The Allies would then be able to fight their decisive tank and air battle, on the flat plains of North Germany.
It is worth noting that the Germans used the Schlieffen plan, or a variant of it, in each world war. Each time, their idea was an outflanking move in the west, sweeping round through the Low Countries, not a broad front advance. This shows that, in strategic terms, the German General Staff agreed with Monty or it shows that Monty took a leaf out of the Germans page.
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@bigwoody4704 With regards to Falaise....the initial design of Cobra was to execute a deeper envelopment by attacking down the west bank of the Seine.
Two divisions of XV Corps set out for Dreux on 15th August, and reached the Seine at Mantes on the 18th. .2 divisions ( 90, 2d Fr Arm) remained at Argentan, and reinforced by 80th division attacked north on 18th August. 5th armoured division turned left and attacked down the Seine on 20th August. XIX Corps came up on the left flank and attacked on the 21st, and neared Elbouf on the 24th, meeting the Canadians on the 26th. With Montgomery's approval, this attack had cut across the front of both the British and Canadian armies but was again unable to prevent many Germans from escaping across the Seine.
There is another comment to be made about the number of Germans who escaped the partial encirclement which I don't think has been mentioned yet. Most of them were actually from support units rather than being fighting troops.
According to Martin Blumenson in 'Breakout and Pursuit':
"How many Germans escaped? No one knew. At the end of 20 August Army Group B reported that "approximately from 40 to 50 percent of the encircled units succeeded in breaking out and joining hands with the II SS Panzer Corps." This was an optimistic assessment. By the end of the following day, the strength of six of seven armored divisions that had escaped the pocket totalled, as reported at that time, no more than 2,000 men, 62 tanks, and 26 artillery pieces.
Later estimates of the total number of Germans escaping varied between 20,000 and 40,000 men, but combat troops formed by far the smaller proportion of these troops. The average combat strength of divisions was no more than a few hundred men, even though the over-all strength of some divisions came close to 3,000. The explanation lay in the fact that a partial exodus had begun at least two or three days before the breakout attack--when shortages of ammunition, gasoline, and other supplies had already become acute.
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@johnlucas8479 In hindsight, regarding Antwerp it seems that the order to stop might have been a mistake John.
Quote "The city and port fell to the 11th Armoured Division in early September, but Montgomery halted ... Corps for resupply short of the wide Albert Canal to the north of the city, which consequently remained in enemy hands.[94] Horrocks regretted this after the war believing that his corps might have advanced another 100 miles (160 km) with the fuel available.[95] Although some doubt this could have been achieved without delays,[93] it is now known that ... Corps was opposed by only one German division , although Allied forces were unaware of this at the time.[96] The pause allowed the Germans to regroup around the Scheldt River, and by the time the Allies resumed their advance, the First Paratroop Army (General Kurt Student) had arrived and set up strong defensive positions along the opposite side of the canal
Quote "the 11th Armoured Division could have advanced 18 Miles further North to the base of the South Beveland Peninsular, thereby preventing German movement to and from the Peninsular. As it was, no such order was given and consequently Von Zangen was able to extract the remnants of his Fifteenth Army from the pocket around Brekens by ferrying them across the Schelde, mostly by night and then moving along the South Beveland Peninsular and from there into Holland."
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" The only reason why Montgomery is still even thought of is due to British inadequacy over their ultimate contribution to victory in WWII. The Americans and mostly the Soviets defeated the Germans."
Bollocs, the British Empire stood alone for 20 months and after Dunkirk, it destroyed 30% of the fighting strength of the Luftwaffe, which was not fully rebuilt and entered the Soviet campaign greatly diminished.engaged the Germans in Africa, Greece, and tied up 300,000 German troops in Norway for the duration and captured 250,000 in Tunisia, destroyed the capital ship strength of the Kriegsmarine forcing them to rely on submarines, discovered the enigma codes that allowed the allies to decipher the German war plans, crushed 80% of the German armour in Normandy at Caen, which allowed the U.S 1st army to advance to Cherbourg, conquered all of Northern Germany and took the surrender of the German army at Luneberg in 1945
Not what I would consider inadequate.......
"And it was their commanders that directed the battle"
And for the record D-day was actually commanded by Frederick Morgan, Leigh Mallory, Admiral Ramsay and Bernard Montgomery not Ike.
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@elessartelcontar6578 Having just recently read through the Normandy portion of the Official History of the Canadian Army, Col. Stacey (the author) provides ample documentary evidence demonstrating a holding action in the Caen sector was always part of Montgomery's plan.
Excerpted from "Appreciation on Possible Development of Operations to Secure a Lodgement Area", produced by 21st Army Group Planning, May 7, 1944 (one month before D-Day). This was forwarded to First US Army Group, among others, on 18 May under a covering letter which reads in part, "With regard to the outline of action at Part IV, this represents the Commander-In-Chief's [Montgomery's] intentions as far as they can be formulated at this stage."
IV. SUMMARY OF CONCLUSIONS
The type of country immediately South of the initial bridgehead does not favour a rapid advance. The Allied build-up relative to the estimated German build-up indicates that a period may supervene round about D+14, when there will be a grave risk of operations stabilising on a line which gives the Germans advantages in defence. The greatest energy and initiative will be required at this period to ensure the enemy is not allowed to stabilise his defence.
Once through the difficult bocage country, greater possibilities for manoeuvre and for the use of armour begin to appear. Our aim during this period should be to contain the maximum enemy forces facing the Eastern flank of the bridgehead, and to thrust rapidly toward Rennes.
On reaching Rennes our main thrust should be towards Vannes; but diversionary thrusts with the maximum use of deception should be employed to persuade the enemy that our object is Nantes.
If, at this time, the enemy weakens hsi Eastern force to oppose us North of Redon, a strong attack should be launched toward the Seine.
Part IV of the Appreciation continues, advocating alternating attacks on the East and West flanks of the bridgehead in reaction to German reinforcement moves, in order to bring German reinforcements sent to the American front back to the British front.
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@johnlucas8479 Whats your opinion on the view that Japan should have attacked the Soviets through Siberia instead of going after the US? Many people on the content about those sort of scenarios seem to think it would have prevented Siberian troops from reinforcing Moscow and making the situation worse for the Red army.
I know that, before they got involved with the Americans they had plans to strike the Soviets in a plan called "Kantokuen"
From what I read the Japanese had 1.5 million men, 40,000 trucks, 2,000 tanks, 3,100 aircraft, 450,000 horses and 10,000 pieces of artillery ready to do it.
It was all set for September 1941 until the US took action against Japan.
Would it have worked?
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@johnlucas8479 Were they really bogged down though, i mean on paper the Japanese seemed to have firm control over a lot of the coastal areas and cities in China.
When the attack started they would be heading to Blagoveshchensk, Kuibyshevka, Lake Khanka, Sakhalin, followed up by Khabarovsk, Komsomolsk, Skovorodino, Sovetskaya Gavan, Nikolayevsk, Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky, Kamchatka Peninsula. Some of the targets would be taken by the navy not the army in Manchuria. Look at a map of the capital of Mongolia and draw a line up, that was where they planned to be at the end of 1942, then they planned on limited actions as they intended to dig in and hold. Baykalsk would be in operation range, but they would be setting up there main defences in Naushki/Lake Baikal.
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@bigwoody4704 At the start of the battle 9th Panzer had no tanks, just a few assault guns and a number of armoured half tracks, it also only had about 6,000 men, of whom only 3,000 were combat troops.
10th Panzer wasn't much better with just 8 Panthers, 16 Panzer VI's and 4 Stug III's.
That is approximately it for armour around Arnham, of course, thanks to the closeness of Germany, armoured reinforcements were rushed to the area, but the claim there were large numbers of tanks in the area when the operation was launched is completely wrong.
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