Comments by "Nick Nolte" (@nicknolte8671) on "RE: NS is Socialism | Responding to your counterarguments and Further Explanation" video.

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  5.  @ranickhaan  "After this confession of his belief in the superior race of factory-owners and directors, Hitler went on to declare that rentability must always be the standard of the industry (how differently Gregor Strasser thought on this point!), and when Otto Strasser contradicted him and praised the autarchy of a nationalist economist system, Hitler abruptly interrupted him and said: "That is nothing more than wretched theorism and dilettantism. Do you really believe that we can ever separate ourselves from international trade and finance? On the contrary, our task is to undertake an immense organization of the whole world in which each land shall produce what it requires most and in which the white race -- the Nordic race -- shall take the leading part in administering and carrying out this vast plan. Believe me, National Socialism would not be worth anything if it were to be confined to Germany and did not secure the rule of the superior race over the whole world for at least one or two thousand years. At this point Gregor Strasser, who had been listening to the discussion, declared that economic autarchy must unquestionably be the aim of National Socialism. Hitler beat a retreat. Yes, he agreed that autarchy must be the ultimate objective in, say, a century. Today, however, it was impossible to cut loose from the international economic system. Once again Strasser let fall the word "Socialism." Hitler replied: "The word 'Socialism' is in itself a bad word. But it is certainly not to be taken as meaning that industry must be socialized, and only to mean that it could be socialized if industrialists were to act contrary to the national interests. As long as they do not do that it would be little short of a crime to destroy the existing economic system." "
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  33.  @Lindedelaciencia  "Spengler's Prussian socialism was popular amongst the German political right, especially the revolutionary right who had distanced themselves from traditional conservatism. His notions of Prussian socialism influenced Nazism and the Conservative Revolutionary movement." "Historian Ishay Landa has described the nature of 'Prussian socialism' as decidedly capitalist. For Landa, Spengler strongly opposed labor strikes, trade unions, progressive taxation or any imposition of taxes on the rich, any shortening of the working day, as well as any form of government insurance for sickness, old age, accidents, or unemployment. At the same time as he rejected any social democratic provisions, Spengler celebrated private property, competition, imperialism, capital accumulation, and 'wealth, collected in few hands and among the ruling classes'. Landa describes Spengler's 'Prussian Socialism' as 'working a whole lot, for the absolute minimum, but — and this is a vital aspect — being happy about it.'" Spengler called any sort of taxation "Bolshevism". The author of this video, by the way, completely misrepresents what Spengler stood for. Spengler, for example, said that working only 40 hours was half the "normal human output". By the way, you can look up all the names of the parties in Germany at that time. They were all called "of the people's" and whatnot, does that mean they were all socialist? No, it means capitalism wasn't very popular in Germany following WWI and the biggest crisis of capitalism (Great Depression). What's in a name?
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  36.  @Lindedelaciencia  "Deprived of his trade unions, collective bargaining and the right to strike, the German worker in the Third Reich became an industrial serf, bound to his master, the employer, much as medieval peasants had been bound to the lord of the manor. The so-called Labor Front, which in theory replaced the old trade unions, did not represent the worker. According to the law of October 24, 1934, which created it, it was “the organization of creative Germans of brain and fist.” It took in not only wage and salary earners but also the employers and members of the professions. It was in reality a vast propaganda organization and, as some workers said, a gigantic fraud. Its aim, as stated in the law, was not to protect the worker but “to create a true social and productive community of all Germans. Its task is to see that every single individual should be able … to perform the maximum of work.” The Labor Front was not an independent administrative organization but, like almost every other group in Nazi Germany except the Army, an integral part of the N.S.D.A.P., or, as its leader, Dr. Ley—the “stammering drunkard,” to use Thyssen’s phrase—said, “an instrument of the party.” Indeed, the October 24 law stipulated that its officials should come from the ranks of the party, the former Nazi unions, the S.A. and the S.S.—and they did. Earlier, the Law Regulating National Labor of January 20, 1934, known as the “Charter of Labor,” had put the worker in his place and raised the employer to his old position of absolute master—subject, of course, to interference by the all-powerful State. The employer became the “leader of the enterprise,” the employees the “following,” or Gefolgschaft. Paragraph Two of the law set down that “the leader of the enterprise makes the decisions for the employees and laborers in all matters concerning the enterprise.” And just as in ancient times the lord was supposed to be responsible for the welfare of his subjects so, under the Nazi law, was the employer made “responsible for the well-being of the employees and laborers.” In return, the law said, “the employees and laborers owe him faithfulness”—that is, they were to work hard and long, and no back talk or grumbling, even about wages." Source: William L. Shirer, "The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich"
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