Comments by "Bri Ryder" (@nesseihtgnay9419) on "CaspianReport"
channel.
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
What people don't know is that even china is not trying to get rid of the US dollars in total because the CCP knows that with its strict controls on its currency, no one would want to hold your currency. China and other countries can trade in Chinese yuan, but no one will want to hold the yuan in its reserve banks because the yuan is not transparent and flexible. You can't do it with whatever you want, you will have to ask the CCP to even do trading with other countries or businesses. The US dollar you can do whatever with it, that's why the can see the market values go up and down...while the chinese yuan won't ever be able to do that. BRICS has been failing as all the members don't see eye to eye either, india and China don't like and trust each other, so why would India want china to hold its currency like the IMF and world bank? Russia is sanctioned to hell because of the invasion, and South Africa is a failing country, Brazil is also just everywhere and not stable. So even if they are successful in making a BRICS currency, it won't even surpass the Euro. So all these propaganda that the "dollar is DEAD" is just that, propaganda.
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
While the argument presents a compelling case against Trumpâs apparent strategy to pivot toward Russia and sacrifice Ukraine to counter China, a strong counterargument can be made that this approach is not only pragmatic but potentially effective in reshaping global alliances to Americaâs long-term advantage. Hereâs why Trumpâs gambit could be a calculated success rather than a shortsighted failure.
First, the critique assumes that Russiaâs partnership with China is too entrenched to be disrupted. Yet, history shows that strategic alliances can shift when the incentives are right. The Russia-China relationship, while economically robust, is not without tension. Russia, a declining power with a resource-based economy, is increasingly the junior partner to Chinaâs industrial and technological dominance. This dynamic rankles Moscow, which has long prided itself on its global stature. Trumpâs offerâterritorial gains in Ukraine, sanctions relief, and a rollback of NATOâs eastern presenceâcould exploit this unease, giving Russia a chance to reassert its autonomy and reduce its reliance on Beijing. The Cold War precedent of Nixonâs outreach to China succeeded not because the Sino-Soviet split was irreparable, but because the U.S. provided a better alternative. Trump could be betting on a similar logic: give Putin enough to loosen Chinaâs grip without requiring a full rupture.
Second, the argument overstates the stability of Russiaâs alignment with China. Yes, trade between the two has soared, and military cooperation has deepened, but this partnership is largely a marriage of convenience driven by mutual opposition to the West. If Trump can reduce that opposition by easing sanctions and troop presence, Russia might see less need to cling to China. Unlike the critiqueâs suggestion, Putin doesnât need to turn hostile toward Beijing; he only needs to prioritize Russian interests over Chinese ones. A deal with Trump could allow Russia to secure its western flank, regain economic breathing room, and diversify its geopolitical optionsâall without burning bridges with China. This isnât about flipping Russia into an enemy of China; itâs about diluting their coordination to prevent a unified Eurasian bloc.
Third, the nuclear escalation risks highlighted in the original argument actually bolster the case for Trumpâs urgency. The Ukraine war has reached a dangerous tipping point, with Russiaâs updated nuclear doctrine and provocative strikes signaling a willingness to escalate. Continuing the status quoâarming Ukraine while inching closer to direct NATO-Russia conflictâcould spiral into catastrophe. Trumpâs concessions, while costly, might be the lesser evil if they de-escalate tensions and avert a broader war. Sacrificing Ukrainian territory and NATO ambitions could be framed not as betrayal, but as a realist trade-off to stabilize Europe and free up U.S. resources for the Indo-Pacific, where Chinaâs rise poses a far greater threat. Kissinger himself often argued that peace sometimes requires unpalatable compromisesâa lesson Trump may be applying here.
Fourth, the critique assumes Trumpâs moves will irreparably damage NATO and U.S. credibility. But this overlooks the possibility that his deal-making could strengthen the alliance in the long run. European allies, while wary of Russia, are also fatigued by the Ukraine conflict and its economic falloutâenergy crises, inflation, and refugee flows. A negotiated settlement, even one favoring Moscow, could ease these burdens and refocus NATO on countering China, a priority many members share. Trump could sell this as a strategic recalibration, not abandonment, especially if he secures Russian guarantees against further aggression. As for soft power, shuttering USAIDâs democracy promotion might alienate some, but it could also signal a return to pragmatic diplomacy that resonates with nations tired of American moralizing.
Finally, the argumentâs fatal flaw is its dismissal of Trumpâs unpredictability as a strength. Putin may doubt the longevity of a deal tied to Trumpâs final term, but that same uncertainty could pressure him to act now rather than risk a harder-line successor. China, too, might miscalculate, overplaying its hand and pushing Russia toward the U.S. out of necessity. Trumpâs willingness to upend normsâoffering concessions no other president wouldâcould disrupt the Russia-China axis in ways a conventional approach never could.
In short, Trumpâs strategy isnât a reckless betrayal but a bold recalibration of U.S. priorities. By trading short-term losses in Ukraine for a potential wedge between Russia and China, he aims to secure Americaâs position against its most formidable rival. Geopolitics often demands sacrificing pawns to protect the kingâand if this gamble pays off, the cost to Ukraine could pale beside the benefit of a fractured Sino-Russian front. Far from destroying American interests, Trump might just be redefining them for a multipolar world.
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1
-
1