Youtube comments of (@DanDavisHistory).
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The Sanskrit word ā́rya (आर्य) was originally an ethnocultural term designating those who spoke Vedic Sanskrit and adhered to Vedic cultural norms (including religious rituals and poetry), in contrast to an outsider, or an-ā́rya ('non-Arya'). By the time of the Buddha (5th–4th century BCE), it took the meaning of 'noble'. In Old Iranian languages, the Avestan term airya (Old Persian ariya) was likewise used as an ethnocultural self-designation by ancient Iranian peoples, in contrast to an an-airya ('non-Arya'). It designated those who belonged to the 'Aryan' (Iranian) ethnic stock, spoke the language and followed the religion of the 'Aryas'.
These two terms derive from the reconstructed Proto-Indo-Iranian stem *arya- or *āryo-, which was probably the name used by the prehistoric Indo-Iranian peoples to designate themselves as an ethnocultural group.
The term *arya was used by Proto-Indo-Iranian speakers to designate themselves as an ethnocultural group, encompassing those who spoke the language and followed the religion of the Aryas (Indo-Iranians), as distinguished from the nearby outsiders known as the *Anarya ('non-Arya'). Indo-Iranians (Aryas) are generally associated with the Sintashta culture (2100–1800 BCE), named after the Sintashta archaeological site in Chelyabinsk Oblast, Russia.
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It is called the English Channel.
The name first appears in Roman sources as Oceanus Britannicus (or Mare Britannicum, meaning the British Ocean or British Sea). Variations of this term were used by influential writers such as Ptolemy, and remained popular with British and continental authors well into the modern era.
By the middle of the fifteenth century, an Italian map based on Ptolemy's description named the sea as Britanicus Oceanus nunc Canalites Anglie (British Ocean but now English Channel).
In the sixteenth century, Dutch maps referred to the sea as the Engelse Kanaal (English Channel) and by the 1590s, William Shakespeare used the word Channel in his history plays of Henry VI, suggesting that by that time, the name was popularly understood by English people.
By the eighteenth century, the name English Channel was in common usage in England. Following the Acts of Union 1707, this was replaced in official maps and documents with British Channel or British Sea for much of the next century. However, the term English Channel remained popular and was finally in official usage by the nineteenth century.
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The Sanskrit word ā́rya (आर्य) was originally an ethnocultural term designating those who spoke Vedic Sanskrit and adhered to Vedic cultural norms (including religious rituals and poetry), in contrast to an outsider, or an-ā́rya ('non-Arya'). By the time of the Buddha (5th–4th century BCE), it took the meaning of 'noble'. In Old Iranian languages, the Avestan term airya (Old Persian ariya) was likewise used as an ethnocultural self-designation by ancient Iranian peoples, in contrast to an an-airya ('non-Arya'). It designated those who belonged to the 'Aryan' (Iranian) ethnic stock, spoke the language and followed the religion of the 'Aryas'.
These two terms derive from the reconstructed Proto-Indo-Iranian stem *arya- or *āryo-, which was probably the name used by the prehistoric Indo-Iranian peoples to designate themselves as an ethnocultural group.
The term *arya was used by Proto-Indo-Iranian speakers to designate themselves as an ethnocultural group, encompassing those who spoke the language and followed the religion of the Aryas (Indo-Iranians), as distinguished from the nearby outsiders known as the *Anarya ('non-Arya'). Indo-Iranians (Aryas) are generally associated with the Sintashta culture (2100–1800 BCE), named after the Sintashta archaeological site in Chelyabinsk Oblast, Russia.
Philological estimates tend to date the bulk of the text to the second half of the second millennium BCE. Being composed in an early Indo-Aryan language, the hymns must post-date the Indo-Iranian separation, dated to roughly 2000 BCE. A reasonable date close to that of the composition of the core of the Rigveda is that of the Mitanni documents of northern Syria and Iraq (c. 1450–1350 BCE), which also mention the Vedic gods such as Varuna, Mitra and Indra. Other evidence also points to a composition close to 1400 BCE.
The Rigveda's core is accepted to date to the late Bronze Age, making it one of the few examples with an unbroken tradition. Its composition is usually dated to roughly between c. 1500 and 1000 BCE. According to Michael Witzel, the codification of the Rigveda took place at the end of the Rigvedic period between c. 1200 and 1000 BCE, in the early Kuru kingdom.
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You didn't watch the video then. Doughty was executed for his relentless mutinous actions endangering the voyage. Drake never executed a boat load of gentlemen. He captured dozens of ships and towns from Chile to Mexico, taking all of the ships including the treasure laden galleon without killing a single Spaniard which was incredibly heroic. You are putting quotation marks around passages that don't appear in the accounts. Drake did not abandon three of the black slaves he freed. He never harmed the black people he liberated from Spanish slavery, in fact offering many of them a place on his crews, as with the two men who left with Maria.
"After leaving Ternate Drake wanted another peaceful anchorage to prepare his ship for her voyage through the Indian Archipelago and into the Indian Ocean. He found it in the Banggai Archipelago, somewhere off the north-eastern coast of Celebes, on a small and uninhabited island, but one wooded and watered, and commanding all the necessities of life. He sailed again on 12 December, 1579, leaving behind three Negroes, including one named Maria, who had been brought from Guatulco and had conceived a child aboard the ship. The so-called ‘anonymous narrative’ of the voyage complains that poor Maria was ‘set on a small island to take her adventure’ in the disapproving tone so characteristic of the account [which also disparagingly calls the crew "Drake and his men pirates" - hardly a trustworthy source], but John Drake described the incident without condemnation. He said that the blacks were left to form a colony, with rice, seeds, and fire-making equipment. The island had been pleasing, and it is possible the Negroes elected to remain there. Harder judgements have charged Drake with dumping them to save victuals, but this would not only have been out of character, it would have made little sense. If Drake had wanted to spare food he would perhaps have left the blacks at Nova Albion, and not brought them across the Pacific at all. Diego, Drake’s Negro friend, was still aboard, and the Negroes left at ‘Crab Island’, as the English called it, represented only a small proportion of the burden on victuals. Drake seems to have borne no ill will towards the Negroes he left behind, and renamed the island Isle Francisca in honour of one of them. Possibly he even believed he had served them, removing them from a life of servitude with the Spaniards and leaving them to make their own lives free from molestation."
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I didn't say they went out raiding from the age of seven, I said the process started when they were seven when they left the women's tents to join the world of the men and they spent years learning how to become a man. Herding, hunting, riding, tracking, fighting, dances, songs, stories, the laws and the lore etc. This all culminates in the 6 month period of the koryos, as I said in the video where the character is 16.
However, as Kris Kershaw says, while the exact age varies from culture to culture, the evidence suggests they did begin to undertake these activities from around age 7. In contemporary - or 20th century at least - herding/raiding societies, boys from around that age do serve as scouts, shield and weapon bearers, water carriers, and even harassing skirmishers, throwing stones and taunting the enemy.
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Yes from the same paper you will see this minor signal also appears in Chalcolithic Iberia: "In turn, adding other populations as a fourth source does not improve the model fit (text S7). The unknown source contributing to SE_Iberia_CA groups is likely to have carried an excess of Levantine and/or Iran_N-like ancestries compared to the distal source Anatolia_Neolithic, as these together have been found admixed in Anatolian and Levantine CA groups (~6000 to 5000 BCE) (53). This finding suggests a subtle contribution that was spread early along the Mediterranean or, alternatively, different sources of early farmer ancestry during the Neolithic transition with varying proportions of Levantine and/or Iran_N-like components when compared to Anatolia_N used here. Removing Anatolian HG (AHG) from the outgroups also improves the model fit (P = 0.045; table S2.4), indicating that the Neolithic ancestry is not well represented by using Anatolia_N as a distal proxy and might come from another farmer group more similar to AHG than Anatolia_N (text S7). More individuals from the Neolithic and CA across the Mediterranean will be needed to track this contribution more confidently."
"we detect a previously unreported amount of Iran_N-like ancestry in central Mediterranean groups from Sardinia, ranging from 2.8 ± 1.2% in Sardinia_Chalcolithic to 5.8 ± 1% in Sardinia_Nuragic_BA. Adding Iran_N as a source to model Sicily_EBA improves the model fit but without reaching P values ≥0.05, making gene flow from the Italian Peninsula to Sardinia more likely (Italy_CA also shows Iran_N-like ancestry) than from Sicily (Sicily_EBA) (text S7, fig. S3, and table S2.5). Notably, when modeling Sicily_EBA, we obtain P values ≥0.05 by removing AHG from the outgroups in a three-source model (Anatolia_Neolithic, WHG, and Yamnaya_Samara) or by removing Morocco_Iberomaurusian in a four-source model (Anatolia_Neolithic, WHG, Yamnaya_Samara, and Iran_N), which points to genetic substructure in the Mediterranean before the arrival of steppe-related ancestry. However, this finding does not rule out limited genetic input from other Mediterranean populations to southeastern CA Iberians"
So this is not "Iranian-related ancestry" nor was it "significant" - nor was from Iran. It was part of the Neolithic farmer ancestry from Anatolia spread by the demographic expansion waves from the Aegean to Iberia after 6500 BC.
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Dating of Maikop artefacts and indeed the entire culture is uncertain and subject to much disagreement. There has not been the systematic categorisation of artefacts in a chronology to demonstrate the development of styles like you see in more studied cultures. Not enough carbon dating has been done and it has produced differing results. Not much work has been done on finding and excavating and dating their settlements either. The chieftain's grave is "early Maikop" and dating is - I believe - no more accurate than "between 3700 - 3400 BC". Whereas the "late Maikop" is dated to probably 3400-3000 BC - they also call this the Novosvobodnaya-phase and the degree to which these should be seen as separate is debated. You see it referred to sometimes as the "Maikop-Novosvobodnaya culture".
The sword is from the Novosvobodnaya phase in the Klady kurgans and I don't know that the dating is any tighter than that. But it often isn't for many places when you get right down to it, including Mesopotamian sites, the error margins can often be quite large and different samples give different dates and often it's estimated due to the stratigraphy based on a date from another layer. I just don't think any of it is that accurate, really.
As for the sword vs dagger question, personally I am all for swords dating from this early. And I even have my metalsmith make a bronze sword in Godborn (after 3000 BC). About the length - I've also seen it said that "over 60cm is a sword, under is a dagger" but it's somewhat arbitrary when you have thrusting, cutting, and hacking style blade styles. But I do wonder about their practicality in the 4th Millennium BC. Arsenical bronze could still be rather soft - hence the extraordinary breadth and multiple strengthening mid-ribs in the later period daggers. When the edge hits another edge, a huge gouge can be cut into the blade and if the flat is struck against something like the rim of a shield or even a human body the blade often bends and stays bent. Later bronze age metallurgy made tin-bronze swords practical and then they became widespread as militarisation spread but even then they had the same problems, just not to the same extent. Re-straightening your sword mid-battle would have been a common sight. If these were early swords they were not in widespread use and proper swords did not catch on until much later.
Robert Drews says this: "The sword had been known in the Near East long before Hammurabi’s time, but it was always a great rarity: precariously hilted, it was a ceremonial object or an impressive display piece for kings, rather than a weapon used in battle. In the Near East swords are not mentioned in texts or represented pictorially until after the Age of Hammurabi."
It's interesting that the problem with soft metal was solved in at least one example by making the long blade into a thick bludgeoning weapon, like the copper Yamnaya cudgel I made a video about.
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Hello, thank you for your comment, this is any excellent question. Of course prehistoric clothing only survives in exceptional circumstances like the Tarim mummies. Another way is to look at artistic representations and historic accounts from the late Iron Age about descendant cultures of the steppe but of course that's far later. The best way actually is through linguistics combined with archeology.
We know through archeology that sheep were vitally important and there are many reconstructed Proto-Indo-European words to do with the processing of wool so we know their clothing would have been largely made from wool. Linguistics suggests the steppe people used the band loom for their clothing whereas those that moved through Neolithic Europe adopted the warp weighted loom from the earlier settled people.
They also knew how to felt wool which is an incredibly useful material that continued to be favoured across the steppe into modern times.
They also used linen although to a far lesser extent - this makes sense because linen comes from flax. Although some steppe peoples did do some farming it was never extensive and they may have traded for linen with the settled peoples to the south.
Of far greater importance perhaps unsurprisingly is leather. There are many words relating to the processing of animals skins. They had leather bags, leather straps. Perhaps leather cloaks.
The PIE word for dye translates basically as "reddens" so we can assume they and probably the later steppe people wore a lot of red woollen clothing.
We know also that they wore belts. There are so many words for plaiting that we can assume they favoured hair braids of various styles. Also they wore leather shoes, probably with an inner and an outer layer. Inner layer may have been felt. They may have had bast shoes too - made of stuff like tree bark.
We can't really be very specific about the style of clothing because they don't have many words about it other than something that means "shroud" or similar. A big sheet of wool or leather. But some sort of simple blanket-like garment could be made into a tunic or simple shirt, or a kilt, or a cloak.
And they had words for a headband so some of them wore a headband too, presumably leather.
In my books I have them wearing woollen tunics, leather shoes, and cloaks of wool and animal skins, making full use of fur for warmth.
The PIE dictionary by Mallory and Adams has this info. According to that book the main works on IE textiles are to be found in Barber (1975, 1991, 2001); see also Knobloch (1987b, 1992), Watkins (1969), and Driessen (2004).
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Dunces hat, witches hat, wizard hat, top hat, stovepipe hat, Welsh hat, capirotes, capotain, bearskin hat, shako, Elizabethan tall crowned hat, tantour, hennin, yes there's loads of tall hats, you just put them on your head.
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He was amazing. He was probably about 71 at the Battle of Lincoln and yeah he was in the front line of the charge which is glorious beyond belief. Check it out, from the Life of William Marshal about the slaying of the Count of Perche, the enemy commander at Lincoln:
"the Count had already taken a mortal wound from a sword, thrust in a fearful lunge through his visor by Sir Reginald Croc; and now, as he saw our forces driving his men back, he let go of his reins and gripped his sword in both hands; then William the Marshal dealt him three successive blows upon the helm, so fierce and strong that they left clear marks upon it, whereupon the count collapsed and went tumbling from his horse.
Seeing him fall, the Earl Marshal thought he’d lost consciousness and feared he’d be held to blame. He said to William de Montigny: "Dismount and take off his helm – it’s giving him trouble: I fear he can’t stand up."
When the helmet was removed and the Marshal, at his side, saw that he was stone-cold dead, there was much consternation; but from the moment the blade had been pulled from the wound dealt through his visor, his death had been inevitable. It was a grievous pity that he died so."
It's funny because the author, presumably under direction, has tried to absolve the Marshal of the blame of killing rather than capturing the Count of Perche. "Someone else killed him first, all the Marshal did was crack him over the skull with his sword three times hard enough to dent his helm, just a few taps really." Lol
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Thank you. From Wikipedia on the Englishmen captured during the Battle of San Juan de Ulua.
"Initially they were treated well by the Spanish, some were released and settled down to farming and started families. However, three years later, in 1571, the Inquisition arrived in Mexico, including the merciless Moyn de Contreras and Fernandez de Bonilla. The released crewmen were rounded up and imprisoned. The captives were brought before the Inquisition; the eleven who had been juveniles (under 16 at the time of the battle) were deemed to have been too young to have received any Catholic catechism, and so were treated relatively leniently – for example, Miles Philips, born in 1554, was sentenced to three years in a Jesuit house in Mexico.
The rest were regarded as heretical lapsed Catholics, and in February 1574, after being tortured to obtain confessions, sentences were handed down, including:
William Collins, of Oxford, age forty, seaman, ten years in the galleys;
John Burton, of Bar Abbey, twenty-two, seaman, 200 lashes and six years in the galleys;
John Williams, twenty-eight, of Cornwall, 200 lashes and eight years in the galleys;
George Dee, thirty, seaman, 300 lashes and eight years in the galleys.
The following year John Martin of Cork, also known as Cornelius the Irishman, was burned at the stake; and some others were sentenced to penal servitude in the galleys for life"
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Your disingenuous mocking of the men on both sides who fought and died in a great fleet engagement reveals your nationalist biases. It's incredible that events centuries ago upset you so much that you can't accept reality.
Your own quote says. "the scattered units were surrounded by the English ships and suffered a major cannonade, which sank five Spanish ships and caused some 1,500 deaths." The English fleet fired on the Armada from dawn to dusk, with supply ships bringing out more gunpowder. The ships of the Armada were battered by relentless English cannon fire, and those that were not destroyed suffered damage to ships, sails, and rigging, and men killed and injured.
To argue that "there was no boarding, therefore there was no battle" reveals a complete ignorance of the English battle doctrine - and its success. The English tactics were to avoid boarding actions while the Spanish tactics were to force boarding actions so they could use their soldiers. The Spanish tried all day to close with the English ships to board them but the faster, more manoeuvrable and better sailed English ships kept out of range and so the Spanish failed in their tactics. Ships came so close the arquebus fire was exchanged by both sides but the Spanish could not come into contact. The English fleet engagement tactics were therefore a success while the Spanish fleet engagement tactics were a failure.
To argue that "only 5 ships were lost therefore there was no battle" reveals a complete ignorance of the history of naval engagements. For example at the great and total English victory at the Battle of Trafalgar, only 1 was destroyed in battle. By this reasoning, the Franco-Spanish fleet was not defeated. Of course this is absurd.
Without the English hounding the fleet through the Channel, the Armada could have landed or sheltered on the south coast. And without the English victory at the Battle of Gravelines, the Armada would not have been driven off by wind or weather. Later they were further destroyed by their attempt to get home but only because English first defeated the Spanish at sea.
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Yeah it's quite an etymology. It is from the French toilette ‘cloth, wrapper’, diminutive of toile. The word originally denoted a cloth used as a wrapper for clothes; then (in the 17th century) a cloth cover for a dressing table, the articles used in dressing, and the process of dressing, later also of washing oneself.. In the 19th century, the word came to denote a dressing room, and, in the US, one with washing facilities; hence, a lavatory (early 20th century).
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Yes it's hard to find footage from the 16th century. As for the Armada, the English (and Dutch) defeated it in battle and the weather then saved the Armada from complete destruction. In recent decades there has been a strange distorted popular myth built up that England was saved by weather blowing the Spanish fleet away, and the devastating fleet engagement and English victory is ignored. Bizarre, really. The Spanish commander considered the changing wind to have been sent by God to save them. The invasion of England was stopped by the English fleet. The losses the Armada then suffered on the way home are incidental as they had already been defeated.
If you'd like to learn about it you can read some of the sources in the description or just the Wikipedia page:
"The English provoked Spanish fire while staying out of range. The English then closed, firing damaging broadsides into the enemy ships, all the while maintaining a windward position, so the heeling Armada hulls were exposed to damage below the water line when they changed course later. Many of the Spanish gunners were killed or wounded by the English broadsides, and the task of manning the cannon often fell to foot soldiers who did not know how to operate them. The ships were close enough for sailors on the upper decks of the English and Spanish ships to exchange musket fire. After eight hours, the English ships began to run out of ammunition, and some gunners began loading objects such as chains into their cannons. Around 4 pm, the English fired their last shots and pulled back."
"Many other Spanish ships were severely damaged, especially the Portuguese and some Spanish Atlantic-class galleons, including some Neapolitan galleys, which bore the brunt of the fighting during the early hours of the battle, and the Spanish plan to join with Parma's army had been frustrated."
"On the day after the battle at Gravelines, the disorganized and unmaneuverable Spanish fleet was at risk of running onto the sands of Zeeland because of the prevailing wind. The wind then changed to the south, enabling the fleet to sail north. The English ships under Howard pursued to prevent any landing on English soil, although by this time his ships were almost out of shot. On August 12, Howard called a halt to the pursuit at about the latitude of the Firth of Forth off Scotland. The only option left to the Spanish ships was to return to Spain by sailing round the north of Scotland and home via the Atlantic or the Irish Sea."
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Some quotes from Garrett Mattingley's Pulitzer Prize winning book on the Armada:
"The tough layers of Spanish oak guarding the lower hulls of the galleons were not smashed, but they were pierced repeatedly. Before the battle was over most of the Armada’s first-line ships were leaking, and some were mortally hurt. Their upper works were only musket-proof at best, and by evening they had been beaten to bloody flinders. The slaughter on the upper decks must have been terrible."
"By this time Medina Sidonia could see his painfully re-established formation breaking up again before his eyes, ships being isolated, group being cut off from group, and the whole increasingly helpless mob of shipping being crowded inexorably on to the Flanders sands. The Lord Admiral had long since come up and, whether following Drake’s example or not, the main pressure of the English attack was on the Armada’s weather wing. It was four o’clock. The battle had gone on since an hour or two after sunrise and there looked like being time enough before sunset to finish off the Spanish fleet."
"The Spanish fleet, in fact, was in evil case. As far as the duke could find out, there was some powder left but no great shot at all, or almost none. For the first time the Armada had taken a real beating. Most of the first-class ships were leaking; most had lost spars and rigging and had their decks littered with wreckage; all had sustained heavy casualties. Some were more badly hurt still."
On the changing wind that saved the Armada from total destruction: "At any moment now the ships ahead would begin to strike; it seemed amazing that some had not struck already. Thereafter the waves would pound them to pieces more thoroughly than English broadsides. In those minutes every man in the Armada with eyes in his head must have tasted death. We do not know what prayers were offered, what vows were made. Then, as they braced themselves for the shock of stranding, the wind backed. Right round the compass to the south-east, one ecstatic witness says. More likely to west-south-west as the duke reported, but far enough and suddenly enough so that even the leading ships could weather the deadly sands and the whole Armada could stand away into deep water. Both the duke and his chaplain felt sure that the fleet had been aided by a miracle of God."
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No you obviously do not know the history of the word, hence your incorrect attempt to "correct" the information in this video.
Dictionary dot com: "In the Romanian language today, dracul means “the devil”—drac is “devil,” ul is “the”—but it is derived from the Latin dracō, “dragon.” (Dragons have been historically associated with Satan, hence the evolution.)"
Etymonline: "It was a surname of Prince Vlad II of Wallachia (d. 1476), and means in Romanian "son of Dracul," literally "the dragon" (see dragon), from the name and emblem taken by Vlad's father, also named Vlad, c. 1431 when he joined the Order of the Dragon, founded 1418 by Sigismund the Glorious of Hungary to defend the Christian religion from the Turks and crush heretics and schismatics."
Wiktionary: "drac. Inherited from Latin dracō (“dragon”), from Ancient Greek δράκων (drákōn). Compare also Catalan and Occitan drac and the derived French drac. Doublet of dragon, which was borrowed from French. Compare Sicilian dragu, Megleno-Romanian and Aromanian drac."
From the Order of the Dragon to Dracula by Constantin Rezachevici, Nicolae Iorga National Institute of History, the Romanian Academy; University of Bucharest:
"Vlad (the father) had obtained the nickname “Dracul” in connection with his receiving the Order of the Dragon from Hungary’s king Sigismund of Luxembourg, at Nürnberg around February 8, 1431. The German name for this order was “Drachenordens,” and in Latin “Societatis draconistarum.”
There are many many more sources explaining that dracul meant dragon and later came to mean devil in Romanian.
You could have checked this yourself at any point and yet you did not.
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In fact, you don't even need to read a book, you could simply read the Wikipedia article: "The English provoked Spanish fire while staying out of range. The English then closed, firing damaging broadsides into the enemy ships, all the while maintaining a windward position, so the heeling Armada hulls were exposed to damage below the water line when they changed course later. Many of the Spanish gunners were killed or wounded by the English broadsides, and the task of manning the cannon often fell to foot soldiers who did not know how to operate them. The ships were close enough for sailors on the upper decks of the English and Spanish ships to exchange musket fire. After eight hours, the English ships began to run out of ammunition, and some gunners began loading objects such as chains into their cannons. Around 4 pm, the English fired their last shots and pulled back."
"Many other Spanish ships were severely damaged, especially the Portuguese and some Spanish Atlantic-class galleons, including some Neapolitan galleys, which bore the brunt of the fighting during the early hours of the battle, and the Spanish plan to join with Parma's army had been frustrated."
"On the day after the battle at Gravelines, the disorganized and unmaneuverable Spanish fleet was at risk of running onto the sands of Zeeland because of the prevailing wind. The wind then changed to the south, enabling the fleet to sail north. The English ships under Howard pursued to prevent any landing on English soil, although by this time his ships were almost out of shot. On August 12, Howard called a halt to the pursuit at about the latitude of the Firth of Forth off Scotland. The only option left to the Spanish ships was to return to Spain by sailing round the north of Scotland and home via the Atlantic or the Irish Sea."
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The Sanskrit word ā́rya (आर्य) was originally an ethnocultural term designating those who spoke Vedic Sanskrit and adhered to Vedic cultural norms (including religious rituals and poetry), in contrast to an outsider, or an-ā́rya ('non-Arya'). By the time of the Buddha (5th–4th century BCE), it took the meaning of 'noble'. In Old Iranian languages, the Avestan term airya (Old Persian ariya) was likewise used as an ethnocultural self-designation by ancient Iranian peoples, in contrast to an an-airya ('non-Arya'). It designated those who belonged to the 'Aryan' (Iranian) ethnic stock, spoke the language and followed the religion of the 'Aryas'.
These two terms derive from the reconstructed Proto-Indo-Iranian stem *arya- or *āryo-, which was probably the name used by the prehistoric Indo-Iranian peoples to designate themselves as an ethnocultural group.
The term *arya was used by Proto-Indo-Iranian speakers to designate themselves as an ethnocultural group, encompassing those who spoke the language and followed the religion of the Aryas (Indo-Iranians), as distinguished from the nearby outsiders known as the *Anarya ('non-Arya'). Indo-Iranians (Aryas) are generally associated with the Sintashta culture (2100–1800 BCE), named after the Sintashta archaeological site in Chelyabinsk Oblast, Russia.
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THC levels in modern cannabis seeds are restricted. Wild hemp seeds had THC. Also, charred seeds are the parts that can survive for thousands of years, they probably burned the whole plant.
"The nutritional value of hemp seeds is being increasingly appreciated, but they also contain potentially harmful Δ9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC). As a result, many countries have issued guidelines and adopted regulations regarding THC use in products produced for human consumption. In particular, the US, Germany, Switzerland, Belgium, European Industrial Hemp Association (EIHA), Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Taiwan, and South Korea have regulations regarding permitted THC levels in hemp seeds"
" it has been reported that THC was detected in the urine samples of individuals that had consumed 0.6 mg of hempseed oil daily for 10 days [1], approximately 10 mL of hempseed oil daily for 29 days [12] and hemp seeds products (snack bars or cookies)"
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Horse riding was invented in Eastern Europe. Chariots were invented on the steppe in 2000 BC. Also you're wrong about Near Eastern warfare.
"Clausewitzian warfare became technically possible with the development of city states in Mesopotamia by 3000 BC, but the evidence suggests that did not happen. Instead the first states poured their resources into fortification, a purely defensive strategy which prohibited offensive warfare; insofar as offensive warfare existed, it was probably little different from that of the Stone Age, and no more effective as an instrument for achieving political objectives. In the second stage, after 1700 BC, offensive wars between well-organized states became common, but this was a type of warfare unlike any before or since, relying upon elite groups of horsed chariotry, with such infantry as there was in a passive and subsidiary role. Finally, after 1000 BC, the first true infantry formations appeared, as did the first true cavalry, and the art of war as we know it was born." from The First Armies by Doyne Dawson.
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Thank you very much, glad to hear you're enjoying the videos. I actually just wrote about the meaning of an archeological culture (and how it's different to a archeogenetics classifications and linguistics and so on). This was to be an aside in my next video but I wrote so much I cut it all out. I think "what is an archeological culture" perhaps deserves its own video because there is confusion about how all these things relate to the actual living people that these classifications are describing.
Anyway yes you're right, as it's an archeological term it does apply to similarities in material culture - pots etc and also burial traditions and if they are available building / settlement types, farming methods, etc. Similar I imagine to phenotypic distinctions in biology - it's agreed by academics through observation, recording, classification, debate, refinement. Most of these cultures are broken down into finer geographic or temporal detail (Phase I, II, III etc). Within say the Pitted Ware culture they can see different methods of decorating pots or how many barbs on fishing spears say on the east vs west side of an island or other tiny details that demonstrate knowledge being passed down through different lineages. Cultures can also be part of broader definitions they might call "horizons" or "complexes".
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The Sanskrit word ā́rya (आर्य) was originally an ethnocultural term designating those who spoke Vedic Sanskrit and adhered to Vedic cultural norms (including religious rituals and poetry), in contrast to an outsider, or an-ā́rya ('non-Arya'). By the time of the Buddha (5th–4th century BCE), it took the meaning of 'noble'. In Old Iranian languages, the Avestan term airya (Old Persian ariya) was likewise used as an ethnocultural self-designation by ancient Iranian peoples, in contrast to an an-airya ('non-Arya'). It designated those who belonged to the 'Aryan' (Iranian) ethnic stock, spoke the language and followed the religion of the 'Aryas'.
These two terms derive from the reconstructed Proto-Indo-Iranian stem *arya- or *āryo-, which was probably the name used by the prehistoric Indo-Iranian peoples to designate themselves as an ethnocultural group.
The term *arya was used by Proto-Indo-Iranian speakers to designate themselves as an ethnocultural group, encompassing those who spoke the language and followed the religion of the Aryas (Indo-Iranians), as distinguished from the nearby outsiders known as the *Anarya ('non-Arya'). Indo-Iranians (Aryas) are generally associated with the Sintashta culture (2100–1800 BCE), named after the Sintashta archaeological site in Chelyabinsk Oblast, Russia.
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There is THC in hemp seeds. The cultivars have restricted amounts however. "The nutritional value of hemp seeds is being increasingly appreciated, but they also contain potentially harmful Δ9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC). As a result, many countries have issued guidelines and adopted regulations regarding THC use in products produced for human consumption. In particular, the US, Germany, Switzerland, Belgium, European Industrial Hemp Association (EIHA), Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Taiwan, and South Korea have regulations regarding permitted THC levels in hemp seeds".
That being said, hemp seeds are probably the only part of the plant charred and carbonised for later detection by archeologists. The rest of the plant they burned is not detected.
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Yeah they've tested wood, leather, bone, and antler - as well as hemp rope bits - and found that they too leave marks on teeth that can be detected. However, it's possible this whole line of enquiry is not accurate enough so it's far from settled.
The first bits that survive are from around 2000 BC and they're "organic" bits. It seems that from about this date, bits appear basically everywhere across Eurasia, suggesting that they were a marked improvement over whatever was being used before (if anything).
However, we know from artwork that even after bits were invented and spread, people still used nose rings and bit-less harnesses / nosebands / hackamores for riding and chariot driving. There is even a relief carving of a battle (from I think it was about 800 BC) that shows horses with all of these - reigns, bits, nose rings, nosebands all in the same image.
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No it doesn't take industry for a society to have slaves. Slavery existed all over the world in many kinds of societies throughout history.
Just one section from Wikipedia as an example: "Other slave-owning societies and tribes of the New World were, for example, the Tehuelche of Patagonia, the Comanche of Texas, the Caribs of Dominica, the Tupinambá of Brazil, the fishing societies, such as the Yurok, that lived along the west coast of North America from what is now Alaska to California, the Pawnee and Klamath. Many of the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast, such as the Haida and Tlingit, were traditionally known as fierce warriors and slave-traders, raiding as far as California. Slavery was hereditary, the slaves being prisoners of war. Among some Pacific Northwest tribes about a quarter of the population was enslaved."
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"But try to read the studies more carefully instead of using them for confirmation bias of your preconceived theories (which aren't even yours)"
You should take your own advice.
Read "Rethinking the evidence for early horse domestication at Botai" (Taylor & Barrón-Ortiz 2021).
And the 2021 dairying paper says "Our identification of—to our knowledge—the earliest horse milk proteins yet identified on the steppe or anywhere else reveals the presence of domestic horses in the western steppe by the Early Bronze Age, which suggests that the region (where the first evidence for horse chariots later emerged at about 2000 BC) may have been the initial epicentre for domestication of the DOM2 lineage during the late fourth or third millennium BC.
Overall, our findings offer strong support to the notion of a secondary products revolution in the Eurasian steppe by the Early Bronze Age. This change in subsistence economy, indicated by dietary stable isotopes in human bones as well as by proteomics, was accompanied by the widespread abandonment of Eneolithic riverine settlement sites, the appearance of kurgan cemeteries in the previously unexploited arid plateaus between the river valleys, and the inclusion of wheeled vehicles and occasional horse bones in Yamnaya graves. At the same time, the steppe Yamnaya population expanded westward into Europe and eastward to the Altai Mountains (a range of 6,000 km). Although we cannot offer direct insight into the question of horse riding or traction on the basis of our data, evidence for milked horses certainly makes horse domestication more likely, and may indicate that horses had a role in the spread of Yamnaya groups. The triad of animal traction, dairying and horse domestication appears to have had an instrumental role in transforming Pontic–Caspian economies and opening up the broader steppe to human habitation by the Early Bronze Age. If some or even all of these elements were present before the Bronze Age, it is only from this latter period that we witness their intensive and sustained exploitation amongst numerous groups. Although other factors will no doubt also have been important, the emergence of more mobile, pastoralist societies adapted to survival on the cold and arid steppe—where horses may have opened up snow-covered pasturage for other animals, and milk would have provided a sustained source of protein, nutrients and fluids—was undoubtedly critical to the expansion of Bronze Age pastoralists such the Yamnaya groups."
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Strange that you don't see how this undermines your own argument. The phallus on the left figure is the same morphology as the phalluses on the centre and right figures. The scabbard handle and cross pommel illustrated on the left figure is not depicted on the centre and right figures. Surely you can see that?
Also can you see how the scabbard on the left figure aligns in angle with the handle and pommel? But the phallus does not align, it's off centre and curved?
And you can see on the centre and right figures that the scabbards and phalluses do not align with one another.
Remember, too, that these are simply three figures out of thousands. There are many combinations of figures with and without phalluses, with and without weapons, phalluses shown on animals, couples engaging in coitus joined by a phallus, and so on. So by decades of careful study by multiple experts specialising in this art style, we do know in fact that these are depicting phalluses. Whether you can understand that or not, whether you are able to see it or not, that's what they are.
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THC levels in modern cannabis seeds are restricted. Wild hemp seeds had THC. Also, charred seeds are the parts that can survive for thousands of years, they probably burned the buds. Processing this and other plants too.
"The nutritional value of hemp seeds is being increasingly appreciated, but they also contain potentially harmful Δ9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC). As a result, many countries have issued guidelines and adopted regulations regarding THC use in products produced for human consumption. In particular, the US, Germany, Switzerland, Belgium, European Industrial Hemp Association (EIHA), Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Taiwan, and South Korea have regulations regarding permitted THC levels in hemp seeds"
" it has been reported that THC was detected in the urine samples of individuals that had consumed 0.6 mg of hempseed oil daily for 10 days [1], approximately 10 mL of hempseed oil daily for 29 days [12] and hemp seeds products (snack bars or cookies)"
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The ones you can buy in the shops and online now don't. But the wild seeds and ancient cultivars do.
"The nutritional value of hemp seeds is being increasingly appreciated, but they also contain potentially harmful Δ9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC). As a result, many countries have issued guidelines and adopted regulations regarding THC use in products produced for human consumption. In particular, the US, Germany, Switzerland, Belgium, European Industrial Hemp Association (EIHA), Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Taiwan, and South Korea have regulations regarding permitted THC levels in hemp seeds"
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