Youtube comments of (@DanDavisHistory).

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  14. Hardly anything about the Maykop Culture is uncontested by archeologists. There is disagreement even on the dating of the culture and on where cultural and technological innovations began. Some say the first kurgan burials were found in the Caucasus and spread to the steppe. What the DNA of the Steppe Maykop really means is also much discussed. The timing and location of the Proto-Indo-European language is also far from resolved. What's clear though is these cultures from the Zagros to Eastern Anatolia and from Mesopotamia through the Caucasus to the steppe were connected by a complex network. Some innovations spread so quickly it's hard to know where they originated. There is hardly anything in this video that is not contradicted somewhere but I have shared some of the sources in the description - David Anthony's book The Horse, the Wheel, and Language as ever is the foundational text for the amateur steppe-fancier but there are links to some open access papers on the subject too. It's a remarkable period and just fires the imagination. This is a time when Maikop and Cucuteni-Trypillia traders likely met in Yamnaya trading towns on the Dnieper - maybe getting there by the Black Sea - and on the Don while Uruk merchants and diplomats travelled up to Maikop. What would a steppe herder think of Uruk, I wonder? What would a Mesopotamian think of a Maykop village or one of the few steppe towns on the northern shores of the Euxine? Did the snobby, urban Uruk merchants think the Maikop barbarians - decked out in Mesopotamian bling - terribly gauche? Or were they frightened by them? This video is part of my series on the peoples of the Third Millennium BC (the Maikop do count - barely!): https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLUyGT3KDxwC8u4jG_tOjN-8-bsHxucUxn If you've watched them, check out the Bronze Age Warfare series, you will like it too: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LbIwi1HxmpE&list=PLUyGT3KDxwC8xD2S2Q1IqH_S_ocWwXWHv
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  124. Bronze Age warfare was not easy to research for my fantasy series. It's not currently in favour with archeologists and evidence has always been scarce especially for Europe rather than the Middle East where the proper civilisations were. There are a few people writing about the subject though, directly or indirectly and I'm making this video series to share what I've learned over the last two years and all that I will learn in future as the novel series continues. There are some GREAT books and papers on this stuff that I'm excited to share with you. Videos currently planned include the stone battle axe, the copper dagger, what is a "warrior" and when did they emerge, more on the koryos - such as why they blackened their faces and wore skins and what their initiations were like and so on, and I want to look at the battle tactics of various peoples (eg did the Bell Beaker people start battles with archery and finish them with close quarters dagger fights?). Also specific events such the massacre at Talheim and the far later battle at Tollense and many more. I hope that you will enjoy this series and if you have any suggestions or topics that you would like to see then please let me know. Watch all the Bronze Age Warfare series here: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLUyGT3KDxwC8xD2S2Q1IqH_S_ocWwXWHv The Koryos: https://youtu.be/LbIwi1HxmpE Trepanation: https://youtu.be/ic8jxFYIV6g Indra's Cudgel: https://youtu.be/cYEBxo6ZEy4 Thor's Hammer: https://youtu.be/X1PduS2ocl8 First Berserkers: https://youtu.be/zEXXA0naXkk Army of the Dead: https://youtu.be/oqOp81KQO4A
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  167. Yeah it's still rather understudied. There are more excavations to be made at Varna alone and there are other sites too. There is a debate on the degree to which the Varna culture was actually different from its neighbours. Some argue they show no unique features other than the handful of very rich burials and that it only means they developed this funeral custom of making gold objects for burial. They say there's no evidence for any kind of aristocracy or kingship as institutions. Rather just some individuals happened to be special during their lives but there was no hereditary chiefdom. But I don't think there's enough evidence yet to conclude something like that. They say there's no evidence of social stratification in the settlements but the settlements are sometimes fortified like at Solnitsata (Provadia) and often include stone buildings like at Durankulak. It seems to me that maintaining long term relationships with resource generating areas for gold, copper, etc does require intergenerational social stability of a kind perpetuated by chiefdoms. Wish there were more aDNA samples and hopefully there will be in future but the soil acidity is a problem. As for the Suvorovo thing, I don't know what the relationship was. Clearly the Varna and surrounding groups of Old Europe had contact with the people in the Dnieper, Donets, Don, Volga valleys. And we can see there was DNA flowing into Varna from these people. But there's no classic steppe Y-haplogroup found in the Varna people so far which suggests they were a fully Old Europe society. It is possible their culture influenced that of the steppe peoples or rather the interactions between the Danubian cultures and the steppe cultures led to new social innovations.
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  337. Thanks very much, I appreciate it. There are no "white" people shown in the artworks. The various artists made their reconstructions based on skull morphology and have used a range of Eurasian skin tones from intermediate to dark. Most Upper Paleolithic European remains have archaic but broadly west Eurasian facial features which is why the old physical anthropologists assumed they were "white". West Eurasian shape eye sockets and long noses etc. Some remains showed intermediate features between "Europoid" and the african type. Other remains like the Grimaldi cave for example stood out as they were considered phenotypically african. As for the skin colour of Gravettians we really don't know for sure, skin colour is a complex polygenic trait and this was an extremely long time ago. Current algorithms for predicting things like skin colour can only go on what is known. We shouldn't assume that all archaic populations had the very blackest skin and it gradually grew lighter in Eurasia over time, that seems like associating black skin with less evolved and lighter with more evolved. There are a huge range of skin tones just within africa. For example look at the relatively light tones of the San peoples. And a 2023 study suggested that Eurasians and Africans diverged perhaps about 80k years ago, with the Eurasian group probably living in the Saudi peninsula for over 20k years before expanding north after about 54k years ago. There were significant detectable genetic changes during that time including the regulation of fat storage and in skin physiology. This is an exciting time for genetic studies and hopefully we'll continue to get more information on all our ancestors around the world. I know skin colour for some people is a highly emotive issue but I don't really mind what various shades of skin all these people had. I can only use what artistic reconstructions are available and they're meant for illustrative purposes only. I am grateful to the people who make them.
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  341. Write whatever you like mate. The more people writing about this stuff the better as far as I'm concerned. As for the women version historically, I actually think there was an equivalent but it seems likely that it only developed or became institutionalised at least thousands of years later in the Iron Age. There are way more women's graves with warrior type gear and some of the women show battle injuries. Some of the women are very young and some are old . This was still a patriarchal society. I think something like 20% of the graves are of women and of course men and women these were all the elites of their society. What probably happened is that some of the elite women joined raiding parties before they were married. They shot bows and killed their enemies and fought and won fame and glory. But they were still expected to marry and have children when they came of age. It's thought the glory they won in their youth would have enhanced their worth as prospective brides and mothers - eg you took part in 4 raids when you were a maiden and shot 2 enemies and took 6 horses so imagine what strong sons you will bear. And they would have retained a special status all their life so that even when they died they would have been buried with their war gear. Not all elite girls would have done this, it would have depended on their inclination and abilities and presumably the expectations of their families. I expect also that every now and then a girl would refuse to marry and would carry on being a warrior all her life. The extent to which this would have been frowned upon would have varied I'm sure. I do wonder too if when a woman's duties as a mother were completed and her children were married off some of them took up arms again maybe in their 40s. In my novel Godborn part of the story is told from the perspective of a mother who took part in raids in her youth and it comes in handy for her as an older women. BUT I do believe this is an anachronism on my part. There's no great evidence for this institution on the steppe until later (as far as I know). I'll have to make a video about this at some point.
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  508. The Sanskrit word ā́rya (आर्य) was originally an ethnocultural term designating those who spoke Vedic Sanskrit and adhered to Vedic cultural norms (including religious rituals and poetry), in contrast to an outsider, or an-ā́rya ('non-Arya'). By the time of the Buddha (5th–4th century BCE), it took the meaning of 'noble'. In Old Iranian languages, the Avestan term airya (Old Persian ariya) was likewise used as an ethnocultural self-designation by ancient Iranian peoples, in contrast to an an-airya ('non-Arya'). It designated those who belonged to the 'Aryan' (Iranian) ethnic stock, spoke the language and followed the religion of the 'Aryas'. These two terms derive from the reconstructed Proto-Indo-Iranian stem *arya- or *āryo-, which was probably the name used by the prehistoric Indo-Iranian peoples to designate themselves as an ethnocultural group. The term *arya was used by Proto-Indo-Iranian speakers to designate themselves as an ethnocultural group, encompassing those who spoke the language and followed the religion of the Aryas (Indo-Iranians), as distinguished from the nearby outsiders known as the *Anarya ('non-Arya'). Indo-Iranians (Aryas) are generally associated with the Sintashta culture (2100–1800 BCE), named after the Sintashta archaeological site in Chelyabinsk Oblast, Russia. Philological estimates tend to date the bulk of the text to the second half of the second millennium BCE. Being composed in an early Indo-Aryan language, the hymns must post-date the Indo-Iranian separation, dated to roughly 2000 BCE. A reasonable date close to that of the composition of the core of the Rigveda is that of the Mitanni documents of northern Syria and Iraq (c. 1450–1350 BCE), which also mention the Vedic gods such as Varuna, Mitra and Indra. Other evidence also points to a composition close to 1400 BCE. The Rigveda's core is accepted to date to the late Bronze Age, making it one of the few examples with an unbroken tradition. Its composition is usually dated to roughly between c. 1500 and 1000 BCE. According to Michael Witzel, the codification of the Rigveda took place at the end of the Rigvedic period between c. 1200 and 1000 BCE, in the early Kuru kingdom.
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  576. You didn't watch the video then. Doughty was executed for his relentless mutinous actions endangering the voyage. Drake never executed a boat load of gentlemen. He captured dozens of ships and towns from Chile to Mexico, taking all of the ships including the treasure laden galleon without killing a single Spaniard which was incredibly heroic. You are putting quotation marks around passages that don't appear in the accounts. Drake did not abandon three of the black slaves he freed. He never harmed the black people he liberated from Spanish slavery, in fact offering many of them a place on his crews, as with the two men who left with Maria. "After leaving Ternate Drake wanted another peaceful anchorage to prepare his ship for her voyage through the Indian Archipelago and into the Indian Ocean. He found it in the Banggai Archipelago, somewhere off the north-eastern coast of Celebes, on a small and uninhabited island, but one wooded and watered, and commanding all the necessities of life. He sailed again on 12 December, 1579, leaving behind three Negroes, including one named Maria, who had been brought from Guatulco and had conceived a child aboard the ship. The so-called ‘anonymous narrative’ of the voyage complains that poor Maria was ‘set on a small island to take her adventure’ in the disapproving tone so characteristic of the account [which also disparagingly calls the crew "Drake and his men pirates" - hardly a trustworthy source], but John Drake described the incident without condemnation. He said that the blacks were left to form a colony, with rice, seeds, and fire-making equipment. The island had been pleasing, and it is possible the Negroes elected to remain there. Harder judgements have charged Drake with dumping them to save victuals, but this would not only have been out of character, it would have made little sense. If Drake had wanted to spare food he would perhaps have left the blacks at Nova Albion, and not brought them across the Pacific at all. Diego, Drake’s Negro friend, was still aboard, and the Negroes left at ‘Crab Island’, as the English called it, represented only a small proportion of the burden on victuals. Drake seems to have borne no ill will towards the Negroes he left behind, and renamed the island Isle Francisca in honour of one of them. Possibly he even believed he had served them, removing them from a life of servitude with the Spaniards and leaving them to make their own lives free from molestation."
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  908. Yes from the same paper you will see this minor signal also appears in Chalcolithic Iberia: "In turn, adding other populations as a fourth source does not improve the model fit (text S7). The unknown source contributing to SE_Iberia_CA groups is likely to have carried an excess of Levantine and/or Iran_N-like ancestries compared to the distal source Anatolia_Neolithic, as these together have been found admixed in Anatolian and Levantine CA groups (~6000 to 5000 BCE) (53). This finding suggests a subtle contribution that was spread early along the Mediterranean or, alternatively, different sources of early farmer ancestry during the Neolithic transition with varying proportions of Levantine and/or Iran_N-like components when compared to Anatolia_N used here. Removing Anatolian HG (AHG) from the outgroups also improves the model fit (P = 0.045; table S2.4), indicating that the Neolithic ancestry is not well represented by using Anatolia_N as a distal proxy and might come from another farmer group more similar to AHG than Anatolia_N (text S7). More individuals from the Neolithic and CA across the Mediterranean will be needed to track this contribution more confidently." "we detect a previously unreported amount of Iran_N-like ancestry in central Mediterranean groups from Sardinia, ranging from 2.8 ± 1.2% in Sardinia_Chalcolithic to 5.8 ± 1% in Sardinia_Nuragic_BA. Adding Iran_N as a source to model Sicily_EBA improves the model fit but without reaching P values ≥0.05, making gene flow from the Italian Peninsula to Sardinia more likely (Italy_CA also shows Iran_N-like ancestry) than from Sicily (Sicily_EBA) (text S7, fig. S3, and table S2.5). Notably, when modeling Sicily_EBA, we obtain P values ≥0.05 by removing AHG from the outgroups in a three-source model (Anatolia_Neolithic, WHG, and Yamnaya_Samara) or by removing Morocco_Iberomaurusian in a four-source model (Anatolia_Neolithic, WHG, Yamnaya_Samara, and Iran_N), which points to genetic substructure in the Mediterranean before the arrival of steppe-related ancestry. However, this finding does not rule out limited genetic input from other Mediterranean populations to southeastern CA Iberians" So this is not "Iranian-related ancestry" nor was it "significant" - nor was from Iran. It was part of the Neolithic farmer ancestry from Anatolia spread by the demographic expansion waves from the Aegean to Iberia after 6500 BC.
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  916. Dating of Maikop artefacts and indeed the entire culture is uncertain and subject to much disagreement. There has not been the systematic categorisation of artefacts in a chronology to demonstrate the development of styles like you see in more studied cultures. Not enough carbon dating has been done and it has produced differing results. Not much work has been done on finding and excavating and dating their settlements either. The chieftain's grave is "early Maikop" and dating is - I believe - no more accurate than "between 3700 - 3400 BC". Whereas the "late Maikop" is dated to probably 3400-3000 BC - they also call this the Novosvobodnaya-phase and the degree to which these should be seen as separate is debated. You see it referred to sometimes as the "Maikop-Novosvobodnaya culture". The sword is from the Novosvobodnaya phase in the Klady kurgans and I don't know that the dating is any tighter than that. But it often isn't for many places when you get right down to it, including Mesopotamian sites, the error margins can often be quite large and different samples give different dates and often it's estimated due to the stratigraphy based on a date from another layer. I just don't think any of it is that accurate, really. As for the sword vs dagger question, personally I am all for swords dating from this early. And I even have my metalsmith make a bronze sword in Godborn (after 3000 BC). About the length - I've also seen it said that "over 60cm is a sword, under is a dagger" but it's somewhat arbitrary when you have thrusting, cutting, and hacking style blade styles. But I do wonder about their practicality in the 4th Millennium BC. Arsenical bronze could still be rather soft - hence the extraordinary breadth and multiple strengthening mid-ribs in the later period daggers. When the edge hits another edge, a huge gouge can be cut into the blade and if the flat is struck against something like the rim of a shield or even a human body the blade often bends and stays bent. Later bronze age metallurgy made tin-bronze swords practical and then they became widespread as militarisation spread but even then they had the same problems, just not to the same extent. Re-straightening your sword mid-battle would have been a common sight. If these were early swords they were not in widespread use and proper swords did not catch on until much later. Robert Drews says this: "The sword had been known in the Near East long before Hammurabi’s time, but it was always a great rarity: precariously hilted, it was a ceremonial object or an impressive display piece for kings, rather than a weapon used in battle. In the Near East swords are not mentioned in texts or represented pictorially until after the Age of Hammurabi." It's interesting that the problem with soft metal was solved in at least one example by making the long blade into a thick bludgeoning weapon, like the copper Yamnaya cudgel I made a video about.
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  955. Hello, thank you for your comment, this is any excellent question. Of course prehistoric clothing only survives in exceptional circumstances like the Tarim mummies. Another way is to look at artistic representations and historic accounts from the late Iron Age about descendant cultures of the steppe but of course that's far later. The best way actually is through linguistics combined with archeology. We know through archeology that sheep were vitally important and there are many reconstructed Proto-Indo-European words to do with the processing of wool so we know their clothing would have been largely made from wool. Linguistics suggests the steppe people used the band loom for their clothing whereas those that moved through Neolithic Europe adopted the warp weighted loom from the earlier settled people. They also knew how to felt wool which is an incredibly useful material that continued to be favoured across the steppe into modern times. They also used linen although to a far lesser extent - this makes sense because linen comes from flax. Although some steppe peoples did do some farming it was never extensive and they may have traded for linen with the settled peoples to the south. Of far greater importance perhaps unsurprisingly is leather. There are many words relating to the processing of animals skins. They had leather bags, leather straps. Perhaps leather cloaks. The PIE word for dye translates basically as "reddens" so we can assume they and probably the later steppe people wore a lot of red woollen clothing. We know also that they wore belts. There are so many words for plaiting that we can assume they favoured hair braids of various styles. Also they wore leather shoes, probably with an inner and an outer layer. Inner layer may have been felt. They may have had bast shoes too - made of stuff like tree bark. We can't really be very specific about the style of clothing because they don't have many words about it other than something that means "shroud" or similar. A big sheet of wool or leather. But some sort of simple blanket-like garment could be made into a tunic or simple shirt, or a kilt, or a cloak. And they had words for a headband so some of them wore a headband too, presumably leather. In my books I have them wearing woollen tunics, leather shoes, and cloaks of wool and animal skins, making full use of fur for warmth. The PIE dictionary by Mallory and Adams has this info. According to that book the main works on IE textiles are to be found in Barber (1975, 1991, 2001); see also Knobloch (1987b, 1992), Watkins (1969), and Driessen (2004).
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  958. Thank you. In Godborn I wanted to represent two or three examples of women from these cultures. They are all removed from the ordinary social structure and deal with it in various ways. (One highly critical review said one of the women was a pathetic whiny weakling while the other was an arrogant power fantasy on my part. See what you think.) What I was trying to show were the ways women could exercise power and influence in such a patriarchal society. I don't believe that these women would have been weak - how could they possibly have been weak in such a harsh environment? With the younger woman character I show her using the social conventions of her society to influence a powerful youth to become in effect her protector. She uses her wits to convince him to look after her. I don't see this as pathetic I see it as cunning and necessary. The older woman I show as an elite who knows her value as a wife and mother of noble and divine lineage. And I show her recalling her youth as a raider. This is probably an anachronism on my part as there's no good evidence for young women joining war bands until the Iron Age Scythians but still there might have been something like that. And it's possible there was an east/west split on how female centric these cultures were. I'll have to talk about that in a video. And there is an older woman character who extolls the virtues of accepting that being abducted by another tribe is the role of women and that they should make the best of it. This undoubtedly happened on the steppes for thousands of years and I believe that women would have had inherited cultural responses to this fact of life. I've looked at examples of tribes in North America and historical accounts of Mongol societies. Women were abducted or all the men in their tribe were killed and they had to then become part of the tribe who committed these crimes. What did the older women whisper to the younger ones in the darkness to help them adapt to these things? That's kinda what I wanted to show too.
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  1014. He was amazing. He was probably about 71 at the Battle of Lincoln and yeah he was in the front line of the charge which is glorious beyond belief. Check it out, from the Life of William Marshal about the slaying of the Count of Perche, the enemy commander at Lincoln: "the Count had already taken a mortal wound from a sword, thrust in a fearful lunge through his visor by Sir Reginald Croc; and now, as he saw our forces driving his men back, he let go of his reins and gripped his sword in both hands; then William the Marshal dealt him three successive blows upon the helm, so fierce and strong that they left clear marks upon it, whereupon the count collapsed and went tumbling from his horse. Seeing him fall, the Earl Marshal thought he’d lost consciousness and feared he’d be held to blame. He said to William de Montigny: "Dismount and take off his helm – it’s giving him trouble: I fear he can’t stand up." When the helmet was removed and the Marshal, at his side, saw that he was stone-cold dead, there was much consternation; but from the moment the blade had been pulled from the wound dealt through his visor, his death had been inevitable. It was a grievous pity that he died so." It's funny because the author, presumably under direction, has tried to absolve the Marshal of the blame of killing rather than capturing the Count of Perche. "Someone else killed him first, all the Marshal did was crack him over the skull with his sword three times hard enough to dent his helm, just a few taps really." Lol
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  1207. Your disingenuous mocking of the men on both sides who fought and died in a great fleet engagement reveals your nationalist biases. It's incredible that events centuries ago upset you so much that you can't accept reality. Your own quote says. "the scattered units were surrounded by the English ships and suffered a major cannonade, which sank five Spanish ships and caused some 1,500 deaths." The English fleet fired on the Armada from dawn to dusk, with supply ships bringing out more gunpowder. The ships of the Armada were battered by relentless English cannon fire, and those that were not destroyed suffered damage to ships, sails, and rigging, and men killed and injured. To argue that "there was no boarding, therefore there was no battle" reveals a complete ignorance of the English battle doctrine - and its success. The English tactics were to avoid boarding actions while the Spanish tactics were to force boarding actions so they could use their soldiers. The Spanish tried all day to close with the English ships to board them but the faster, more manoeuvrable and better sailed English ships kept out of range and so the Spanish failed in their tactics. Ships came so close the arquebus fire was exchanged by both sides but the Spanish could not come into contact. The English fleet engagement tactics were therefore a success while the Spanish fleet engagement tactics were a failure. To argue that "only 5 ships were lost therefore there was no battle" reveals a complete ignorance of the history of naval engagements. For example at the great and total English victory at the Battle of Trafalgar, only 1 was destroyed in battle. By this reasoning, the Franco-Spanish fleet was not defeated. Of course this is absurd. Without the English hounding the fleet through the Channel, the Armada could have landed or sheltered on the south coast. And without the English victory at the Battle of Gravelines, the Armada would not have been driven off by wind or weather. Later they were further destroyed by their attempt to get home but only because English first defeated the Spanish at sea.
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  1317. Thank you very much. With regards to the population density - the density was not so high that it explains the speed and spread of the geographic expansion. That is what is so unusual about the speed of colonisation - or rather the post-colonisation expansion. They had no apparent need to move so far away from one another, over and over again. A successful generation of children could quite easily have moved to the edges of their parent generation's land and clear the forests there. However in Britain during the first centuries these groups must have decided to spread further away than they needed to. If there was economic necessity we can't see it so presumably there were cultural drivers. It was different to this in earlier cultures in central Europe where you see for example the Michelsberg culture increasing in population density as the spaces between settlements were gradually "filled in" over time - as well as creeping growth at the edges of the cultural area. Once population density reached a presumed "critical mass" there was a sudden migration north into Jutland and across the Channel into Britain (and subsequent depopulation of the Michelsberg culture area due to thousands of people leaving). Perhaps the migrants had some memory of this crowding period they wanted to avoid. I don't know. As for specific numbers - I don't know if there are any serious attempts to quantify it. The studies we're basing this on looked at a range of evidence, some local, some national. Some studies looked at pollen counts for either woodland or cereal crops or field weeds, others hazelnut quantities (hazel colonises cleared forest first and therefore shows secondary forest regrowth), others settlement samples. The weight of evidence clearly shows the geographic distribution and demographic trends but putting numbers on these periods is tricky but it MIGHT be about 250,000 at the peak. Maybe more.
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  1338. A haplogroup is just a way to detect lineage, it doesn't say anything about ethnicities. CT evolved before the Out of Africa split c. 80k years ago but the ancestors of the Gravettians had been out of africa for 40k years or more, continuing to change in the Saudi peninsula. Those arrows we see on maps always make it look like people marched out of africa straight into new parts of the world but of course it wasn't like that. Most of the other haplogroups are Eurasian - the Mitochondrial DNA was U5 and U2 for example. But again that doesn't tell us about their ethnicity, as such. A hundred years ago their remains were described as Europoid or Caucasoid or whatever by physical anthropologists (who tended to divide people into african, west or east Eurasian by various measures of skull morphology - nose shape, eye sockets shape, cranial morphology etc). That's one reason those old artists tended to depict them looking like archaic European people, it wasn't just an assumption. Thankfully we have genetic studies too which can look at how populations can be defined genetically and how they relate to each other. Clearly Upper Paleolithic West Eurasians are their own broad category by any metric and yet this was SUCH a long time ago trying to relate them to modern conceptions of racial categories is not worthwhile. As for their skin colour we just don't know yet and I'd be hesitant in assuming just because it's a long time ago they were dark skinned, that seems like associating light skin with more evolved people. Interestingly though some of the genes associated with lighter skins that we know about in populations today seem to have first evolved in Eurasians about the same time as this in the Upper Paleolithic. Hardly surprising considering they'd been in more northerly latitudes for tens of thousands of years already. Ancient DNA analysis is developing so rapidly now we will surely know more about these people in future. But skin tone is a surprisingly complex thing to understand so maybe we'll never know for sure. I don't really mind what shades their skin were personally, I just think they're amazing.
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  1344. Yes it's hard to find footage from the 16th century. As for the Armada, the English (and Dutch) defeated it in battle and the weather then saved the Armada from complete destruction. In recent decades there has been a strange distorted popular myth built up that England was saved by weather blowing the Spanish fleet away, and the devastating fleet engagement and English victory is ignored. Bizarre, really. The Spanish commander considered the changing wind to have been sent by God to save them. The invasion of England was stopped by the English fleet. The losses the Armada then suffered on the way home are incidental as they had already been defeated. If you'd like to learn about it you can read some of the sources in the description or just the Wikipedia page: "The English provoked Spanish fire while staying out of range. The English then closed, firing damaging broadsides into the enemy ships, all the while maintaining a windward position, so the heeling Armada hulls were exposed to damage below the water line when they changed course later. Many of the Spanish gunners were killed or wounded by the English broadsides, and the task of manning the cannon often fell to foot soldiers who did not know how to operate them. The ships were close enough for sailors on the upper decks of the English and Spanish ships to exchange musket fire. After eight hours, the English ships began to run out of ammunition, and some gunners began loading objects such as chains into their cannons. Around 4 pm, the English fired their last shots and pulled back." "Many other Spanish ships were severely damaged, especially the Portuguese and some Spanish Atlantic-class galleons, including some Neapolitan galleys, which bore the brunt of the fighting during the early hours of the battle, and the Spanish plan to join with Parma's army had been frustrated." "On the day after the battle at Gravelines, the disorganized and unmaneuverable Spanish fleet was at risk of running onto the sands of Zeeland because of the prevailing wind. The wind then changed to the south, enabling the fleet to sail north. The English ships under Howard pursued to prevent any landing on English soil, although by this time his ships were almost out of shot. On August 12, Howard called a halt to the pursuit at about the latitude of the Firth of Forth off Scotland. The only option left to the Spanish ships was to return to Spain by sailing round the north of Scotland and home via the Atlantic or the Irish Sea."
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  1345. Some quotes from Garrett Mattingley's Pulitzer Prize winning book on the Armada: "The tough layers of Spanish oak guarding the lower hulls of the galleons were not smashed, but they were pierced repeatedly. Before the battle was over most of the Armada’s first-line ships were leaking, and some were mortally hurt. Their upper works were only musket-proof at best, and by evening they had been beaten to bloody flinders. The slaughter on the upper decks must have been terrible." "By this time Medina Sidonia could see his painfully re-established formation breaking up again before his eyes, ships being isolated, group being cut off from group, and the whole increasingly helpless mob of shipping being crowded inexorably on to the Flanders sands. The Lord Admiral had long since come up and, whether following Drake’s example or not, the main pressure of the English attack was on the Armada’s weather wing. It was four o’clock. The battle had gone on since an hour or two after sunrise and there looked like being time enough before sunset to finish off the Spanish fleet." "The Spanish fleet, in fact, was in evil case. As far as the duke could find out, there was some powder left but no great shot at all, or almost none. For the first time the Armada had taken a real beating. Most of the first-class ships were leaking; most had lost spars and rigging and had their decks littered with wreckage; all had sustained heavy casualties. Some were more badly hurt still." On the changing wind that saved the Armada from total destruction: "At any moment now the ships ahead would begin to strike; it seemed amazing that some had not struck already. Thereafter the waves would pound them to pieces more thoroughly than English broadsides. In those minutes every man in the Armada with eyes in his head must have tasted death. We do not know what prayers were offered, what vows were made. Then, as they braced themselves for the shock of stranding, the wind backed. Right round the compass to the south-east, one ecstatic witness says. More likely to west-south-west as the duke reported, but far enough and suddenly enough so that even the leading ships could weather the deadly sands and the whole Armada could stand away into deep water. Both the duke and his chaplain felt sure that the fleet had been aided by a miracle of God."
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  1533. No you obviously do not know the history of the word, hence your incorrect attempt to "correct" the information in this video. Dictionary dot com: "In the Romanian language today, dracul means “the devil”—drac is “devil,” ul is “the”—but it is derived from the Latin dracō, “dragon.” (Dragons have been historically associated with Satan, hence the evolution.)" Etymonline: "It was a surname of Prince Vlad II of Wallachia (d. 1476), and means in Romanian "son of Dracul," literally "the dragon" (see dragon), from the name and emblem taken by Vlad's father, also named Vlad, c. 1431 when he joined the Order of the Dragon, founded 1418 by Sigismund the Glorious of Hungary to defend the Christian religion from the Turks and crush heretics and schismatics." Wiktionary: "drac. Inherited from Latin dracō (“dragon”), from Ancient Greek δράκων (drákōn). Compare also Catalan and Occitan drac and the derived French drac. Doublet of dragon, which was borrowed from French. Compare Sicilian dragu, Megleno-Romanian and Aromanian drac." From the Order of the Dragon to Dracula by Constantin Rezachevici, Nicolae Iorga National Institute of History, the Romanian Academy; University of Bucharest: "Vlad (the father) had obtained the nickname “Dracul” in connection with his receiving the Order of the Dragon from Hungary’s king Sigismund of Luxembourg, at Nürnberg around February 8, 1431. The German name for this order was “Drachenordens,” and in Latin “Societatis draconistarum.” There are many many more sources explaining that dracul meant dragon and later came to mean devil in Romanian. You could have checked this yourself at any point and yet you did not.
    3
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  1568. Western Hunter Gatherers (WHG) probably did have darker skin than Eastern Hunter Gatherers (EHG) yeah. Speaking generally about all these different populations - it is difficult to say for certain because all of these techniques for assessing colouration are based on certain models and analyses. Different methods have been developed and tested, with varying degrees of accuracy and I expect many further refinements and new methods in the coming years that may change what is believed now. It's also dependent on the number of samples and the quality of those samples - obviously there aren't many remains to test so it's always an incomplete picture - sample bias can lead to the wrong conclusions for many groups. Also the genes that influence colouration are varied and multiple mutations have evolved in different populations - therefore some people argue that we can't be certain about ancient phenotypes if we're only looking at the genes we know about. Biological reality is complex. We also read that Western Hunter Gatherers were genetically homogenous across time and space - it's said that they ALL had blue eyes - but actually the samples we do have do show phenotypic variation. Some maybe had green eyes and even brown eyes and their skin tones actually show a range of colouration. Because of our modern prejudices people today associate dark skin with African peoples and this also creates confusion. But whatever their skin, hair, and eye colour, the WHG were a completely European people who are only related to modern European people.
    3
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  1597. In fact, you don't even need to read a book, you could simply read the Wikipedia article: "The English provoked Spanish fire while staying out of range. The English then closed, firing damaging broadsides into the enemy ships, all the while maintaining a windward position, so the heeling Armada hulls were exposed to damage below the water line when they changed course later. Many of the Spanish gunners were killed or wounded by the English broadsides, and the task of manning the cannon often fell to foot soldiers who did not know how to operate them. The ships were close enough for sailors on the upper decks of the English and Spanish ships to exchange musket fire. After eight hours, the English ships began to run out of ammunition, and some gunners began loading objects such as chains into their cannons. Around 4 pm, the English fired their last shots and pulled back." "Many other Spanish ships were severely damaged, especially the Portuguese and some Spanish Atlantic-class galleons, including some Neapolitan galleys, which bore the brunt of the fighting during the early hours of the battle, and the Spanish plan to join with Parma's army had been frustrated." "On the day after the battle at Gravelines, the disorganized and unmaneuverable Spanish fleet was at risk of running onto the sands of Zeeland because of the prevailing wind. The wind then changed to the south, enabling the fleet to sail north. The English ships under Howard pursued to prevent any landing on English soil, although by this time his ships were almost out of shot. On August 12, Howard called a halt to the pursuit at about the latitude of the Firth of Forth off Scotland. The only option left to the Spanish ships was to return to Spain by sailing round the north of Scotland and home via the Atlantic or the Irish Sea."
    3
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  2117. Thank you. Yes the first place they would like to look is the spines - however while 6000 year old horse teeth, skulls, and long bones do survive, ancient horse vertebrae do not. They become spongy, brittle, crumbly etc and the researchers are unable to deduce anything from them. The horse experts are referenced in Drews' and Anthony's books but one who did a lot of work from the 90s until recently was Marsha Levine. She travelled all over the world to examine people's relationship with horses in all different cultures. She used this and other work to look at early horse riding on the steppe and elsewhere. She has some research papers and academic books that you may be able to track down. One of the points these people make is that the ancient wild horses are not the same animals that we have now. Not just physically but behaviourally. Our feral horse populations like mustangs seem to have slightly different social behaviours than przewalski's horses for example. Our horses now have had perhaps 6000 years of selective breeding to change them into animals that are ready to be tamed. And as you say we today understand what's possible as far as control is concerned. We have the benefit of the experience of all those generations that came before us. And yes I think most people agree that there must surely have been some sort of riding very early on - just knowing what people are like. We jump on the back of everything, given half the chance. The question is really a matter of degree. How useful and impactful was early riding? It's a fascinating question.
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  2865. "But they don't have any viable theory as to why the bones were smashed up or why the human bones were mixed with the bones of animals that were commonly eaten." They do have a viable theory. There's no practical reason to smash up finger bones and foot bones is there. There's no practical reason to smash a patella into bits. And they point out the long bones were not cracked but smashed in the same way, using the same techniques, as all the other bones. There's no practical reason to dig up old bodies and strip the remnants of the rotten flesh from them before burying them again somewhere else but they do that too. "They admit the bones were de-fleshed but don't have any working theory about why people would do that." That's not true, bones can be defleshed without the flesh being eaten. Some cultures want to get to the bones because that's what's special to them. Only a very small number of the 60,000 bone fragments showed signs of boiling and (low temp) heating and again this is easily explained as part of the defleshing process. Ethnographic studies show cannibals tend to remove flesh from bone before cooking it, not cooking humans on the bone. Why dig a hole and put someone inside, why not just take them into the woods and leave them for the animals to deal with? Why go to the bother of using huge quantities of wood to cremate someone on a pyre? Why bother crushing the burned bones into dust and burying it in an urn, why not just leave them there? Why smash up a nice pot and put the shards in the grave? Why throw in valuable jewellery or tools or weapons when someone can use them? Why bother sacrificing a perfectly good horse and burying it with the dead man? Why bother dismantling a wagon or a chariot and burying it when they could be used instead? Why waste time dragging a ship to the top of a hill so someone can be buried inside it, that makes no sense. Mortuary rites around the world are complex and although there might be sanitary reasons for doing certain things, it often makes no practical sense.
    2
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  3218. Yeah could be. Other Neolithic farmer societies of the Balkans where we have burials suggests a patriarchal culture. The same can be said for central Europe where they lived in farmsteads and from human remains in family tombs that seem to show patrilineal descent. They are related but of course they are different cultures with different settlement structures and unique cultural expressions like their pottery and figurines. And the apparent stability of the design of Cucuteni-Trypillia houses over more than a thousand years and the importance of the house to their society suggests a kind of sacred domesticity where the home attained centrality for the family units of this culture. The temple thing is really interesting isn't it. There is a tendency across the world for people to have delineated sacred spaces for ritual activity, sometimes in a natural area away from the settlement (like a sacred grove or cave or wadi etc) and sometimes in a special place within the settlement which can be within a structure or an area of open ground. There were some temple-like structures identified in some of the smaller settlements that had high density of figurines which are interpreted as sacred places (they call them sanctuaries in the literature). Personally, I think they likely carried out much of their ritual activity away from the settlement including their mortuary rituals, which would explain the apparent absence of graves and lack of remains. Perhaps they had some kind of sky burial or the bodies were left exposed in the woods or something like that, returning the deceased to nature, to the Earth Mother.
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  3658. I haven't received an email but thank you. The argument is that the images of boxing, wrestling, and bull leaping appearing together on a single vessel are evidence for the appropriate social activities for elite Cretan males. The same kind of argument as for the seals displaying hunting alongside images of shields, and shields appearing with swords and spears, and of men fighting. There's also images of the acrobatic displays like those in bull leaping associated with swords - there's one of a male arching his back like a bull leaper over a sword point. It's showing the conceptual links between these activities, demonstrating that weapons and warfare were part of the social identity of elite Minoan men. As for the bodies, practically all Minoan tombs were looted mainly in antiquity making proper study of remains difficult. You could read the report on the Hagios Charalambos cave project by Betancourt et al 2008. "the human remains from the Hagios Charalambos cave, a large and unusually well preserved collection of mainly Early Minoan to Middle Minoan date. The cranial series reveals a remarkable number of head traumas—contradicting a long-held view that the Minoans were innocent pacifists" "There are at least 16 cases of cranial trauma. Some of these cases are certainly deliberate injuries. The majority of cases (11) involve men. Many injuries are on the frontal (9) or on the left parietal (6), consistent with an instinctive rightward turn of the head to avoid a missile or to avoid a blow from a right-handed assailant"
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  3851. "But try to read the studies more carefully instead of using them for confirmation bias of your preconceived theories (which aren't even yours)" You should take your own advice. Read "Rethinking the evidence for early horse domestication at Botai" (Taylor & Barrón-Ortiz 2021). And the 2021 dairying paper says "Our identification of—to our knowledge—the earliest horse milk proteins yet identified on the steppe or anywhere else reveals the presence of domestic horses in the western steppe by the Early Bronze Age, which suggests that the region (where the first evidence for horse chariots later emerged at about 2000 BC) may have been the initial epicentre for domestication of the DOM2 lineage during the late fourth or third millennium BC. Overall, our findings offer strong support to the notion of a secondary products revolution in the Eurasian steppe by the Early Bronze Age. This change in subsistence economy, indicated by dietary stable isotopes in human bones as well as by proteomics, was accompanied by the widespread abandonment of Eneolithic riverine settlement sites, the appearance of kurgan cemeteries in the previously unexploited arid plateaus between the river valleys, and the inclusion of wheeled vehicles and occasional horse bones in Yamnaya graves. At the same time, the steppe Yamnaya population expanded westward into Europe and eastward to the Altai Mountains (a range of 6,000 km). Although we cannot offer direct insight into the question of horse riding or traction on the basis of our data, evidence for milked horses certainly makes horse domestication more likely, and may indicate that horses had a role in the spread of Yamnaya groups. The triad of animal traction, dairying and horse domestication appears to have had an instrumental role in transforming Pontic–Caspian economies and opening up the broader steppe to human habitation by the Early Bronze Age. If some or even all of these elements were present before the Bronze Age, it is only from this latter period that we witness their intensive and sustained exploitation amongst numerous groups. Although other factors will no doubt also have been important, the emergence of more mobile, pastoralist societies adapted to survival on the cold and arid steppe—where horses may have opened up snow-covered pasturage for other animals, and milk would have provided a sustained source of protein, nutrients and fluids—was undoubtedly critical to the expansion of Bronze Age pastoralists such the Yamnaya groups."
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  3955. Thank you for your insightful comments. You're right on every point, I think I basically agree with you. To be fair to Drews he talks about the onagers and donkeys extensively and the example you cite of the guy asking the king to please not embarrass himself is one of his points of evidence. He also talks about how poor the art is and outlines the discussions many people have had over which animals they may represent. With regards to the plains tribes - and in fact all historical examples like the Numidian cavalry - Drews argues that these are simply not the same animals from 4000 BC. Not just that they are taller etc and that their backs are potentially radically different but that thousands of years of artificial selection have thoroughly changed the behaviour of these animals. This is partially evidenced by studies of przewalski's horses who may exhibit different social behaviours to modern feral horse populations like mustangs. In the same way that an aurochs is not a cow, a wild horse is not a domestic horse - and domestic horses are all anyone has had experience of for three or four thousand years or more. They've been bred to have an interest in humans, even generations of feral horses are still descended from many many more generations of horses selected for their temperament - for their very trainability. So we just cannot look at historical examples and accurately compare them to the original domestication and riding processes. Obviously I didn't explain it well but that was his point (one of them) about the plains tribes not being a suitable analogy.
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  4576. Yeah you might be right. I've seen multiple studies showing light skin in a range of Neolithic populations including Aegean farmers. These genes were inherited by EHG ultimately from Ancient North Eurasians. Generally speaking, the Mesolithic seems to show lighter skins in more northern latitudes but not exclusively and as I say there is fair skin in early Neolithic Aegean. I haven't seen these results being walked back - what techniques have you seen being used? What do you make of the HIrisPlex-S system, do you think it's accurate? Phenotypes can and do change over time and between the times we're talking about here and historical times of the ancient greeks and romans it's thousands of years. And there has been thousands of years of selection since then. Greeks were blonder and fairer in antiquity and they're not now and it was assumed this was due to admixture from Turks etc after long occupation by Ottomans but recent testing shows that's not the case. Their phenotype has just become darker over the millennia. Perhaps the same happened to the Sardinians. All the DNA analyses I have seen on the steppe peoples suggests they were fair skinned but with brown eyes and hair. If the combo of blond hair and blue eyes developed mostly around the Baltic in the Mesolithic it's likely it was picked up by nearby peoples in the Neolithic and spread from there apparently very quickly as the Corded Ware became the dominate demographic in the region. There was still plenty of time for the migrations of these offshoots and related peoples to spread these phenotypes back across the steppes before historical times.
    1
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  4587. I've talked extensively about trade and cultural links between the Mediterranean and northern Europe on my channel. Watch my videos on horned helmets, on bronze age armour, on bronze age mercenaries, hairstyles, women's fashion, etc etc. This is a subject I have read extensively on. You will note that in the article "3600-year-old Swedish Axes Were Made With Copper From Cyprus -- Ancient rock carvings in Sweden evidently aren't of local boats but show ships bringing the metal from the Levant" the title is misleading as nowhere does it say the carvings are not of local boats. The article is based on work by Kristiansen especially his 2005 book but nowhere does he say the images are of Mediterranean boats. No one believes that. Novo Scriptorium is just a website with no academic standing. These articles have assertions without evidence. For example one says "Travelling along rivers and multiple river systems was one way of connecting people living far apart in the past. Another way was travelling by ships overseas. This calls for sea-worthy ships and knowledge in geography. In the Bronze Age, only the Mycenaean, Minoan and Phoenician cultures had such ships and such skill." They reveal their profound ignorance on this topic in their belief that the Phoenicians were a bronze age culture. Also the extensive evidence of trade between Scandinavia and Britain and Ireland in the bronze age proves this ignorant statement to be false. It also pretends that Nordic bronze was all imported from the Mediterranean. No, this is wrong. Nordic bronze was imported from Britain and Ireland and from central Europe far far more than from the Mediterranean. Watch my videos on bronze age copper mining. That article also asserts "The ships look like nothing known in the local or regional shipbuilding tradition". This is false. The study the article and you cite is by Nils-Axel Mörner and Bob G. Lind who are amateur pseudoscientists not academics. Their paper is just utter nonsense.
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