Comments by "" (@DavidJ222) on "ABC News" channel.

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  4. On November 9, 2016, just a few minutes after Donald Trump was elected president of the United States, a man named Vyacheslav Nikonov approached a microphone in the Russian State Duma (their equivalent of the US House of Representatives) and made a very unusual statement. ā€œDear friends, respected colleagues!ā€ Nikonov said. ā€œThree minutes ago, Hillary Clinton admitted her defeat in US presidential elections, and a second ago Trump started his speech as an elected president of the United States of America, and I congratulate you on this.ā€ Nikonov is a leader in the pro-Putin United Russia Party and, incidentally, the grandson of Vyacheslav Molotov — after whom the ā€œMolotov cocktailā€ was named. His announcement that day was a clear signal that Trump’s victory was, in fact, a victory for Putin’s Russia. It’s well known that Trump likes doing business with gangsters, in part because they pay top dollar and loan money when American banks stopped loaning Trump it money. It was a win-win for both sides. The Russian mafia is totally different than the American mafia. In Russia, the mafia is essentially a state actor. In an interviewed, Gen. Oleg Kalugin, who is a former head of counterintelligence in the KGB and had been Putin’s boss at one point, was asked about the Russain mafia. He said, ā€œOh, it’s part of the KGB. It’s part of the Russian government.ā€ Trump was working with the Russian mafia for more than 30 years. He was profiting from them. They rescued him. They bailed him out. They took him from being $4 billion in debt to becoming a multibillionaire again, and they fueled his political ambitions, starting more than 30 years ago. This means Trump was in bed with the Kremlin as well, whether he knew it or not.
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  18. "Institutions alone are not enough to rein in elected autocrats. Constitutions must be defended, by political parties and organized citizens but also by democratic norms. Without robust norms, constitutional checks and balances do not serve as the bulwarks of democracy we imagine them to be. Institutions become political weapons, wielded forcefully by those who control them against those who do not. This is how elected autocrats subvert democracy – packing and ā€œweaponizingā€ the courts and other neutral agencies, buying off the media and the private sector (or bullying them into silence) and rewriting the rules of politics to tilt the playing field against opponents. The tragic paradox of the electoral route to authoritarianism is that democracy’s assassins use the very institutions of democracy, gradually, subtly, and even legally, eliminate it. Trump’s presidency has raised a question that many of us never thought we’d be asking: Is our democracy in danger? Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt have spent more than twenty years studying the breakdown of democracies in Europe and Latin America, and they believe the answer is yes. Democracy no longer ends with a bang—in a revolution or military coup—but with a whimper: the slow, steady weakening of critical institutions, such as the judiciary and the press, and the gradual erosion of long-standing political norms. The good news is that there are several exit ramps on the road to authoritarianism. The bad news is that, by electing Trump, we have already passed the first one." How Democracies DieĀ --by Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt "The subtle and deadly change of heart that might occur in you, would be involved with the realization that a civilization is not destroyed by wicked people; it is not necessary that people be wicked, but only that they be spineless.ā€Ā  ― James Baldwin,Ā The Fire Next Time ā€œIn a word, I was too cowardly to do what I knew to be right, as I had been too cowardly to avoid doing what I knew to be wrong.ā€Ā  ― Charles Dickens,Ā Great Expectations This is the state of the Republican party today.
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  36. In 2015, Western European intelligence agencies began picking up evidence of communications between the Russian government and people in Donald Trump’s orbit. In April 2016, one of the Baltic states shared with then–CIA director John Brennan an audio recording of Russians discussing funneling money to the Trump campaign. In the summer of 2016, Robert Hannigan, head of the U.K. intelligence agency GCHQ, flew to Washington to brief Brennan on intercepted communications between the Trump campaign and Russia. The contents of these communications have not been disclosed, but what Brennan learned obviously unsettled him profoundly. In congressional testimony on Russian election interference last year, Brennan hinted that some Americans might have betrayed their country. ā€œIndividuals who go along a treasonous path,ā€ he warned, ā€œdo not even realize they’re along that path until it gets to be a bit too late.ā€ In an interview this year, he put it more bluntly: ā€œI think [Trump] is afraid of the president of Russia. The Russians may have something on him personally that they could always roll out and make his life more difficult.ā€ In July 2016, a loose-knit community of computer scientists and cybersecurity experts discovered a strange pattern of online traffic between two computer servers. One of those servers belonged to Alfa Bank in Moscow and the other to the Trump Organization. Alfa Bank’s owners had ā€œassumed an unforeseen level of prominence and influence in the economic and political affairs of their nation,ā€ as a federal courtĀ once put it. The analysts noted that the traffic between the two servers occurred during office hours in New York and Moscow and spiked in correspondence with major campaign events, suggesting it entailed human communication rather than bots. More suspiciously, after New YorkĀ TimesĀ reporter Eric LichtblauĀ askedĀ Alfa Bank about it but before he brought it up with the Trump campaign, the server in Trump Tower shut down. The timing strongly implied Alfa Bank was communicating with Trump..
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