Comments by "freein2339" (@freein2339) on "CNN" channel.

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  63. David Lowery Wayne Bertsch, a veteran GOP consultant told the Tampa Bay Times that targeting Democrats was always the goal in curbing early voting. "In the races I was involved in in 2008, when we started seeing the increase of turnout and the turnout operations that the Democrats were doing in early voting, it certainly sent a chill down our spines." Another tactic, favored in Texas and Florida, is to target nonprofit groups that conduct voter-registration drives (the League of Women Voters, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People). This is achieved by imposing onerous new training, registration and/or liability burdens on the groups' volunteers. The proportion of African-American and Latino voters who register through third-party drives is about twice what it is for whites.  Republican campaign consultant Scott Tranter  "A lot of us are campaign officials -- or campaign professionals -- and we want to do everything we can to help our side. Sometimes we think that's voter ID, sometimes we think that's longer lines -- whatever it may be," Tranter said with a laugh.  Franklin County (Columbus) GOP Chair Doug Preisse.. "I guess I really actually feel we shouldn't contort the voting process to accommodate the urban—read African-American—voter-turnout machine." Preisse is not some rogue operative but the chairman of the Republican Party in Ohio's second-largest county and a close adviser to Ohio Governor John Kasich.  Pa House majority leader Mike Turzai, said his state's voter ID law "is gonna allow Governor Romney to win the state of Pennsylvania,"  U.S. District Judge Stephen J. Murphy ordered Michigan election officials to immediately halt and attempt to rectify one of the two practices -- canceling voter registrations for those whose voter identification card is returned as undeliverable. Murphy ordered the state to remove the "rejected" marking in the qualified voter file for all persons whose original voter ID cards have been returned to the state as undeliverable since Jan. 1, 2006. About 1,500 people have been removed from the voter list in that manner this year, according to evidence presented in the case.  Voter hours were extended in white distrcits of Ohio while voting hours were cut in the Black districts....  Got all that Adolf...???...good now go back to your KKK meeting
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  75.  @youtubedeletesmychannels2329  A collection of radical right figures including white nationalists and ultranationalist European leaders gathered in Manhattan for the New York Young Republican Club’s (NYYRC) annual gala Saturday night, where that group’s president declared “total war” on perceived enemies. “We want to cross the Rubicon. We want total war. We must be prepared to do battle in every arena. In the media. In the courtroom. At the ballot box. And in the streets,” NYYRC president Gavin Wax declared to a room full of supporters at 583 Park Ave., an event venue on New York’s Upper East Side. “This is the only language the left understands. The language of pure and unadulterated power,” Wax added....At the five-hour event, which Hatewatch reporters attended, white nationalists Peter and Lydia Brimelow of VDARE hobnobbed with Steve Bannon, a former Trump adviser and White House official. Donald Trump Jr. was also in attendance. Republicans publicly lauded members in attendance from an Austrian political party founded by World War II-era Nazi party members. Racist political operative Jack Posobiec shared jokes across a table with Josh Hammer, the opinion editor of Newsweek. Multiple recently elected GOP congresspeople applauded Marjorie Taylor Greene, who told the NYYRC crowd in the event’s closing remarks that the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol would have succeeded if she had planned it and that the insurrectionists would have been armed.
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  84.  @passingthroughtime3033  Trump “has tuned into every hearing” and has grown increasingly irate – to “the point of about to scream at the TV”, according to a close adviser – with what he views as the “lack of defense by his Capitol Hill allies”, the Washington Post reported. He is possibly aware that, while the hearings come too late to force his resignation and may or may not cause the justice department to press criminal charges, they seem to be inflicting greater political damage than anyone imagined. Thursday’s fifth hearing served up more of the same in the Cannon Caucus Room which, somewhat reminiscent of a grand ornate ballroom with curtains closed and lights on, is bringing a gravitas to the nailing of Trump that no trickle of media revelations or tell-all memoirs can. Photographers crowded around the witnesses just as the panel’s chairman, congressman Bennie Thompson, brought down the gavel, a now ominous sound for Trump, and spoke of “a brazen attempt to use the justice department to advance the president’s personal political agenda”. Trump’s consternation is likely to have only intensified when Republican Liz Cheney summed up his central role in the conspiracy to overturn the election, then another Republican, Adam Kinzinger, questioned former justice department officials. “Today President Trump’s total disregard for the constitution and his oath will be fully exposed,” Kinzinger said. Once again, all went smoothly and efficiently. There were no interruptions, objections, points of order or spoiling tactics. And that is said to have made Trump furious. He is especially critical of Kevin McCarthy, the minority leader in the House, for boycotting the committee instead of giving pro-Trump Republicans a voice on it. Trump told Punchbowl News, “In retrospect, I think it would have been very smart” to put more Republicans on the committee. “The Republicans don’t have a voice. They don’t even have anything to say.” McCarthy apparently gambled that this would allow Republicans to write off the hearings as illegitimate, partisan and an attempt to distract from more pressing issues such as inflation. But the presence of Cheney, Kinzinger and more than a dozen Republican witnesses has undermined that argument.
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  150.  @mikesmith5600  The spectacular violence in the Capitol on January 6th was the outcome of Donald Trump’s yearslong dalliance with the white-supremacist right. Trump all but promised an attack of some kind as he called for his followers to descend on Washington, D.C., for a “wild” protest to stop the certification of Joe Biden’s Electoral College victory. In a speech inciting his supporters to lay siege to the Capitol, he told them, “We will never give up. We will never concede.” He encouraged them to “fight like hell,” saying that otherwise they would lose their country, and dispatched them to the Capitol. He promised that he would be with them. But, like a lazy coward, Trump went home to watch the show on TV. The white right-wing assault on the Capitol, with a Confederate flag in the building and gallows on the lawn, was alarming yet wholly predictable as Trump’s frantic efforts to hold on to power faltered. Not only did Trump clearly incite violence with his speech, but his Administration also paved the way for the violence through its deliberate neglect of the rising threat of white extremism. The Center for Strategic and International Studies found that attacks by far-right perpetrators more than quadrupled between 2016 and 2017. Yet even as the threat of white-supremacist violence grew, it commanded little interest or acknowledgment from the Trump Administration. The Department of Homeland Security’s Office of Targeted Violence and Terrorism Prevention, which was restructured and renamed in 2019, is dedicated to investigating extremism and domestic terrorism. Between 2017 and 2019, its operating budget was cut from twenty-one million dollars to less than three million, and the number of its full-time employees dwindled from forty to fewer than ten. Instead of investigating white supremacists, the Trump Administration has surveilled the Black Lives Matter movement and other minority activists. According to New York University Law School’s Brennan Center for Justice, eighty-five percent of “countering violent extremism” grants under Trump have targeted marginalized and oppressed minority groups. In April of 2019, the F.B.I. announced a reduction in the number of categories used to catalogue acts of racially motivated violence, eliminating the specific category for white supremacists and introducing a vague one called “racially motivated extremism.” Not only have white supremacists largely averted being disrupted or even investigated, but they also have had the comfort of seeing their racial fantasies expounded through the bully pulpit of Donald Trump and the wider mouthpiece of the Republican Party. Trump’s election clearly activated the white-racist fringe, sparking record numbers of hate crimes in 2017. A month after Trump was inaugurated, an Indian engineer named Srinivas Kuchibhotla was killed in a bar in Olathe, Kansas, by a white man who shouted racial epithets. On May 20, 2017, Richard Collins III, a twenty-three-year-old Black man, was stabbed to death in College Park, Maryland, by a white man who was a member of a Facebook group called Alt-Reich: Nation. This initial wave of violence peaked with the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, on August 12, 2017, which brought white-racist thugs from around the country to stop the removal of a Robert E. Lee statue and resulted in the murder of the activist Heather Heyer. Every step of the way, Trump and the Republican Party have either ignored the threat of racism and violence from the hard right or egged it on. Consider how the G.O.P. rallied around Kyle Rittenhouse, who took a semi-automatic rifle to anti-police-brutality demonstrations in Kenosha, Wisconsin, last summer and killed two people. He was celebrated not only by the fringe right, which applauds violence in hopes of sparking a race war, but also by members of Congress. Senator Ron Johnson, a Republican from Wisconsin and the chair of the homeland-security committee, refused to condemn Rittenhouse and spoke about the importance of “citizen soldiers.” In a surreal scene, Trump defended the seventeen-year-old killer from a lectern adorned with the Presidential seal, lending legitimacy to white vigilantes attacking B.L.M. protests. The misrepresentation of B.L.M. as an insurgency as opposed to a social movement has also validated the militarized response of radicalized police officers and the intrusion of white “citizen soldiers” like Rittenhouse to defend “their” America from anti-racist activists. The convergences between the Republican Party, white supremacists, and white militias grew more numerous and more threatening the closer we came to Election Day. Republican officials evinced a growing proclivity for authoritarianism, actively trying to suppress African-American access to the ballot and insisting that their Party was the legitimate victor in the recent elections. It is only a short hop from one form of political hostility to another, including the threat of political violence. Last December, Representative Madison Cawthorn, who has used white-nationalist symbols and rhetoric, told conservatives to “call your congressman and feel free—you can lightly threaten them.” Representative Mo Brooks introduced Trump at the rally that incited the riot. “Today is the day American patriots start taking down names and kicking some ass,” Brooks said. “Are you willing to do what it takes to fight for America?” Such acts reflect the growing unity between establishment Republican Party and white supremacists, as well as between those groups and the police. In the past two elections, the Fraternal Order of Police, which claims to represent three hundred and fifty-five thousand police officers, has endorsed Trump. Last week, John Catanzara, the president of Chicago’s Fraternal Order of Police lodge, said that he believed that the election had been stolen and defended the rampage at the Capitol, saying that “there was no arson, there was no burning of anything, there was no looting, there was very little destruction of property.” He said that Wednesday’s events were “very different than what happened all across this country all summer long in Democratic-ran cities and nobody had a problem with that.” Catanzara later apologized and said that his statement was “poorly worded.” But these are not fringe politics. They emanate from the center of the Republican Party.
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