Comments by "Patrick Cleburne" (@patrickcleburneuczjsxpmp9558) on "PragerU" channel.

  1.  @TheStapleGunKid  Madison in Federalist #39, pointing out the content of the Constitution itself, disproves that nonsense: "That it will be a federal and not a national act, as these terms are understood by the objectors; the act of the people, as forming so many independent States, not as forming one aggregate nation, is obvious from this single consideration, that it is to result neither from the decision of a MAJORITY of the people of the Union, nor from that of a MAJORITY of the States. It must result from the UNANIMOUS assent of the several States that are parties to it, differing no otherwise from their ordinary assent than in its being expressed, not by the legislative authority, but by that of the people themselves. Were the people regarded in this transaction as forming one nation, the will of the majority of the whole people of the United States would bind the minority, in the same manner as the majority in each State must bind the minority; and the will of the majority must be determined either by a comparison of the individual votes, or by considering the will of the majority of the States as evidence of the will of a majority of the people of the United States. Neither of these rules have been adopted. Each State, in ratifying the Constitution, is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act. In this relation, then, the new Constitution will, if established, be a FEDERAL, and not a NATIONAL constitution."
    16
  2. 12
  3. 11
  4. 6
  5. 6
  6. 6
  7.  @TheStapleGunKid  "When they said it was slavery..." First of all, what does that even mean? For example, if the Constitution was supposed to guarantee the extradition of murderers that escaped to another state, and the northern states refused to honor their constitutional obligations, if terrorist murderers murdered random southern civilians (beginning even with a free black man that was just minding his own business) under abolitionist pretenses and the southern states cited that as a reason for secession, is that the kind of thing you would summarize by saying "they said it was slavery"? Secondly, quote any part of any of the official declarations of causes where a seceding state said whatever it is that you mean when you say, "they said it was slavery." I've already quoted the Supreme Court ruling that declared something unconstitutional. You can disagree with the Supremes' ruling, but it's absurd to say what they ruled was unconstitutional was never ruled unconstitutional and that it's just my personal opinion and nothing more. Did you not see the quote from the ruling that I already shared? "...secession was necessary to preserve slavery because Lincoln was going to ban its expansion..." Is that a completely misleading misrepresentation or a complete fabrication with no evidence to back it up at all? "...the war was about slavery. Lincoln said so..." Speaking of completely misleading misrepresentations or a complete fabrication with no evidence to back it up at all! "... if you are going to take the position that the Supreme Court is the ultimate arbiter of the constitution..." I already told you what position I take. My position is entirely consistent and defensible. You're left denying that the Supreme Court said what I've already quoted to you they said (and which you can easily verify for yourself.) And you're left only able to ignore questions like this one: Do you defend presidents defying the Supreme Court and pursuing their own interpretation of the Constitution whenever they say the Supreme Court is wrong?
    5
  8. 5
  9. 4
  10. 4
  11. 4
  12. 4
  13.  @TheStapleGunKid  First I'll repeat the questions you didn't answer: "When they said it was slavery..." what does that even mean? "When they said it was slavery..." First of all, what does that even mean? For example, if the Constitution was supposed to guarantee the extradition of murderers that escaped to another state, and the northern states refused to honor their constitutional obligations, if terrorist murderers murdered random southern civilians (beginning even with a free black man that was just minding his own business) under abolitionist pretenses and the southern states cited that as a reason for secession, is that the kind of thing you would summarize by saying "they said it was slavery"? (You can answer the first question with a sentence that begins, "When I say they said it was slavery, I mean..." You can answer the second question with a yes or no, and I'll follow up from there.) To continue repeating unanswered questions/challenges: Secondly, quote any part of any of the official declarations of causes where a seceding state said whatever it is that you mean when you say, "they said it was slavery." And if the declarations were all so clear and all said essentially the same thing, I'll take a quote from South Carolina's declaration, which was the first and offered plenty of detail. And repeating yet another unanswered question: Do you defend presidents defying the Supreme Court and pursuing their own interpretation of the Constitution whenever they say the Supreme Court is wrong? (A yes or no would answer that question.) And in case my previous comment wasn't clear enough, if "Confederate leaders openly said secession was necessary to preserve slavery because Lincoln was going to ban its expansion," let's see at least one quote from one of the seceding states' declarations of causes or at least one from Jefferson Davis, or if there's no evidence for your case in those most definitive sources, let's see whatever you've got. I recognize that Lincoln tried to spin things after the fact so as to misrepresent what he stood for when he committed the northern states to all-out war and in the preceding months, but nothing he said in the lead-up to the war or within the first few months of the war (when the critical decisions were made) comes remotely close (even in hindsight) to a pronouncement that the war was about slavery (whatever you even mean by that), and there were definitive declarations at that time that the war wasn't at all about slavery. And misleading spin is all he offered even after the fact. And even up until the end of the war, there was nothing the South could have done with regards to slavery that would have brought the North to the table to negotiate a peace, certainly not conceding what you're suggesting was "the only substantial dispute," namely the right to take slaves to the territories, nor anything else related to slavery, and Lincoln was consistently and unequivocally clear that nothing the South did with regards to slavery would make a bit of difference to him in prosecuting the war, so it's ridiculous to say the war was about slavery. And you surely know all this. "You say your position is consistent, but yet you are refusing to say secession was illegal even though that's what the Supreme Court ruled. Either you accept them as the arbiter of the constitution or you don't." I already told you -- and I quote from what I already said -- "I believe the final say should be determined about like Jefferson laid out in his first draft of the Kentucky Resolutions..." If that went over your head, look it up. It's short, and it's well worth the read. How bout you? Do you believe the Supreme Court's rulings on the Constitution should be authoritative? I've already quoted Lincoln and the chief justice at the time to you showing that Lincoln didn't believe or respect that idea. If you believe the Supreme Court should be the ultimate arbiter, how then do you deal with Lincoln's disrespect for that idea. And are you suggesting that there aren't any decisions that should be overturned because they were wrongly decided? And not that I really care what the Supreme Court said after the fact when there was no practical way they could have declared the central objective of the whole tremendously costly war the North had just waged wrong, even if they had been so inclined, but if you want to talk about that ruling, let's at least see a specific quote addressing the relevant point to our discussion.
    4
  14. 4
  15. 4
  16. 4
  17. 3
  18. 3
  19. 3
  20. 3
  21. 3
  22. 3
  23. 3
  24.  @TheStapleGunKid  Struck it down how? What power did the court have to keep the Republican party from doing what they wanted to do given that the Republicans were willing to defy the court? And more than that, how would the court stand up to the Republican party in the middle of an unconstitutional war, with the press being shut down, dissenting congressman (from the North) being thrown out of the country, dissenting citizens being thrown in jail and denied access to the court... When the court had already ruled that it was unconstitutional and the Republicans had simply defied the court, what was the court going to do at that point? Could anyone have even challenged the Republicans in court without getting thrown in jail? But really whatever happened after the South had already seceded and the North had already committed to its war of subjugation is irrelevant to the question of what the war was about, because it was thoroughly after the fact. What is relevant is that Lincoln was elected on a platform of defying what the Supreme Court had already ruled the Constitution said. Do you defend presidents defying the Supreme Court and pursuing their own interpretation of the Constitution whenever they say the Supreme Court is wrong? Whether the Supremes or the Republicans were right or wrong about either habeus corpus or about the federal government banning slavery in the territories is irrelevant to any point I've made or am making. If the Supremes ought to have the final say on the Constitution -- I believe the final say should be determined about like Jefferson laid out in his first draft of the Kentucky Resolutions, but even if we accept the Supremes as the ultimate arbiters of the Constitution -- then what matters isn't whether the Supremes are right about the Constitution but simply what they've said. Even by the standard of the Supremes, the Constitution was on the South's side.
    3
  25. 3
  26. 2
  27. 2
  28. 2
  29. 2
  30. 2
  31.  @woodrowcall3158  > Armed with knowledge you have in this day and time, would you push for the abolition of slavery if you found yourself back in the mid-1800s? I would take the position that the following abolitionists took at the time: George Bassett: "It is constantly said... that if our government cannot prevent a State from seceding at will, it is no government at all. But it is forgotten, that the true glory of our government—the queen beauty of our system is, that it ceases with the will of the people. Its true strength lies not in navies and battalions, but in the affections of the people. Numbers in our midst... are vainly boasting that we propose to show the world that we have a government that is strong enough to meet the exigency and to suppress rebellion. But they fail entirely to apprehend and appreciate the true theory of the American system. Their is the old European, and not the American, idea of government. ... "The true strength of a free government—and they are the strongest of all, is in the devoted attachment of its citizen sovereigns. Let this be forfeited, and the government falls. "A government which is strong by the exercise of military power over its own citizens, is not a free government, but a despotism. "Instead of the peaceful separation of these States being a disgrace to our government in the eyes of the world, it will constitute in all coming time its truest glory, and will demonstrate the infinite superiority of the voluntary system of self-government over the despotic usurpations of the past." Bassett: "Those are false abolitionists, and selfish as slavery itself, who use the anti-slavery sentiment merely as their political capital; who subordinate and sacrifice the true principles of freedom to party success and personal aggrandizement. Such have no moral power over slavery, and the political power they obtain they use for themselves." Joshua Blanchard, writing in The Liberator, March 1861: "The doctrine that the prerogatives of government are more sacred and inviolable than the rights, liberties, and welfare and even lives of individual men, is now openly maintained by the advocates of an enforced union, in direction opposition to the principle of popular sovereignty.... The success of this compulsory measure, establishing the character of our national government as one maintained by coercion, and not by consent, would be an awful apostacy, a retrogression into the barbarous maxims of European domination, cemented in blood; an utter failure of the first magnificent experiment of popular government, the the exultation of tyrants, the disgrace of our land, the despair of all the friends of freedom in the world. "...But the harmonious union of the people of this nation, on the principle of general consent, can never be maintained where the sentiments of the two great sections of it are at such irreconcilable variance on the vital question of the right to slavery... The only plan, then, for national reputation, for safety, for justice, and even for humanity, is to give each section an independent government, confirmed to its own ideas of right – that is, peaceable separation from each other." Josiah Warren: "The right of self-sovereignty in every human being, which gives you [the southern states] the supreme right to leave us without asking our leave gives to your slaves the same right to leave you..." And, of course, the inverse is equally true: the right of self-sovereignty which gives slaves the right to freedom gave (even if the North violated the right) the southern states the right to separate from the northern states without asking leave of the northern states/DC. Lysander Spooner: "The whole affair... has been, and now is, a deliberate scheme of robbery and murder; not merely to monopolize the markets of the South, but also to monopolize the currency, and thus control the industry and trade, and thus plunder and enslave the laborers, of both North and South. ... And to hide at once, if possible, both their servility and crimes, they attempt to divert public attention, by crying out that they have “Abolished Slavery!” That they have “Saved the Country!” ... "The pretense that the “abolition of slavery” was either a motive or justification for the war, is a fraud... And why did these men abolish slavery? Not from any love of liberty in general – not as an act of justice to the black man himself, but only “as a war measure,” ...in carrying on the war they had undertaken for maintaining and intensifying that political, commercial, and industrial slavery, to which they have subjected the great body of the people, both black and white. And yet these imposters now cry out that they have abolished the chattel slavery of the black man – although that was not the motive of the war – as if they thought they could thereby conceal, atone for, or justify that other slavery which they were fighting to perpetuate, and to render more rigorous and inexorable than it ever was before. ... "This, too, they call “Preserving our Glorious Union”; as if there could be said to be any Union, glorious or inglorious, that was not voluntary. Or as if there could be said to be any union between masters and slaves; between those who conquer, and those who are subjugated. All these cries of having “abolished slavery,” of having “saved the country,” of having “preserved the union,” ... are all gross, shameless, transparent cheats – so transparent that they ought to deceive no one – when uttered as justifications for the war, or for the government that has succeeded the war..."
    2
  32. 2
  33. 2
  34. 2
  35. 2
  36. 2
  37. 2
  38. 2
  39. 2
  40. 2
  41. 2
  42. 2
  43.  @TheStapleGunKid  If there's anything the Supreme Court said that you think is relevant, let's see the quotes. What you want the constitution to mean without any historical evidence is at least more relevant than what you want the Supremes to have wanted the constitution to mean without any evidence. I don't believe it's impossible for the Supremes to err in their rulings -- do you? is that what you mean when you say the Supremes' interpretation is authoritative? (Lincoln explicitly rejected and defied the authority of the Supremes to "irrevocably fix" "the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people" noting that the people would then "have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal") -- so just because the Supremes said something about the constitution is no proof that it is valid, but it might at least be more of an argument to consider than your mere desire to want it be so. As to your alleged "fact that secession wasn't mentioned in the debates just goes to show that everyone was onboard with these provisions," even if that were true, it would be an argument from silence establishing a power of the federal government to prevent states from seceding, a power the states clearly had under the Articles and which the constitution itself asserted in setting the threshold for taking effect at 9 of 13 states (which is to say the Constitution declared that 9 states would withdraw from the union already established and establish a new government without up to 4 other states and to do so on no authority but their own and despite the requirement in the Articles that any changes to the Articles must be unanimous -- unanimity was understood entirely in the context only of those states voluntarily choosing for themselves to participate), and which therefore was retained by the states according to the 10th amendment (even if giving the federal government power over both the sword and the purse was sufficient to render that right meaningless about 77 years later.)
    2
  44. ​ @TheStapleGunKid  "...it really doesn't matter what Stephens said. The actions of CSA proved his claim was a lie." The Stephens quote proves that Southerners respected the principle of just government resting on the consent of the governed in a way that Lincoln and the Republicans decidedly did not. And, as I already said (adding emphasis), "I don't know enough about the details of the history to say, but I assume you're right when you note that there isn't a history in the North or South of respecting the principles of the Declaration of Independence with respect to PARTS OF STATES -- I think that's unfortunate -- but there's very much a tradition, particularly in the South, of respecting those principles at the STATE LEVEL." I never said Jefferson was pro-secession. He wasn't, but he was strongly pro-right of secession. As to the quote about the Missouri compromise, he was clearly condemning the Missouri compromise. Are you really so ideologically blinded that you can't recognize that? "Whose making the 'argument from silence' now?" Do you mean who's defending 10th amendment principles now? Neither I nor the constitution is opposed to arguments from silence; I and the constitution are only opposed to arguments from silence in favor of federal government power. "If what you are saying is true, and this statement does confer a right to secession..." I said no such thing. As I said of the Confederate constitution counterparts to the 9th and 10th amendments, "You might say those are really insignificant little changes, and they are in one sense, but the fact that the Confederacy made such minor changes on those points shows they were points where they wanted to be abundantly clear about those foundational points." Preambles never confer anything, but they do help clarify, and the Confederate constitution added clarity to the US constitution. "Under the CSA constitution, the Confederate states were not allowed to pass ANY anti-slavery laws." BS. There was nothing in the Confederate constitution to stop states from abolishing slavery or otherwise passing anti-slavery laws except as related to citizens of other states and their slaves. "All Confederate territory had to be slave territory." True, but that's no different than what the Supreme Court had already ruled the US Constitution said less directly. "All Confederate states had to be slave states." BS again. "They were totally centralized in regard to slavery. The notion that the CSA was in any way opposed to a big strong central government is a sham." BS, both with regards to slavery and more generally. I already quoted several parts of the Confederate constitution that added specific limitations to the central government. And even the slavery provisions were limitations on the central government with regards to interference in slavery-related questions. "And yes the "perpetual Union" part of the Articles..." Did you not see where I said I wasn't yet saying anything about your perpetual BS? That I had a question for you first? A question you didn't answer: I'd like to know what difference it would make to you if those words hadn't been in the Articles or the constitution. Would your position change substantially?
    2
  45. 2
  46. 2
  47. 2
  48. 2
  49.  @TheStapleGunKid  "...the Confederate states seceded and fought the war to preserve slavery" So what would have happened to slavery (and particularly what would Lincoln and the Republicans have done) if they hadn't seceded that seceding offered any hope of avoiding? It might help a lot if you could explain that in a little detail. I'll repeat my earlier question: when the seceding states cited in their declarations of causes of secession the northern states' refusal to extradite escaped murderous terrorists despite the states' constitutional obligation to do so, is that the sort of thing you would summarize as "it was slavery"? Because if what you mean by "it was slavery" is broad enough to encompass northern support of anti-southern terrorism against random civilians under abolitionist pretenses, then we may agree about the facts but only disagree about whether it is misleading and deceptive to do the equivalent of summarizing the war between Hitler's Germany and the USSR by saying communism was bad and Germany was opposed to communism or to summarize the 9/11 attacks as it was US abuse of Palestinian rights. And how can one side fight a war to preserve slavery when the other side isn't fighting to abolish it? You ask why it's hard to understand. When Congress by a practically unanimous vote shortly after the first major battle of the war, declares, "this war is not waged upon our part in any spirit of... nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States [i.e. slavery]..." does that not seem to contradict your assertion that the war was fought over slavery? Do you just ignore everything Lincoln and Congress said about the war in explaining what it was about? How do you reconcile that declaration of Congress to your summary of what the war was about? It certainly contradicts any straightforward explanation of the war that "it was slavery." I'd like to discuss those quotes you shared from Mississippi and South Carolina's declarations of causes with you, but you'll have to explain what you think they prove that contradicts anything I'm saying, or you'll have to explain what they prove that you think I'm not recognizing. If your answer to my question of whether you support presidents defying the Supreme Court and pursuing their own interpretation of the Constitution whenever they say the Supreme Court is wrong is no, then what remedies do you think are justified when such situations arise? I agree with Thomas Jefferson when he wrote "that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made it’s discretion, & not the constitution the measure of it’s powers: but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode & measure of redress." "Do you accept that secession is unconstitutional because the Supreme Court ruled it was?" No, I definitely don't believe that whatever the Supreme Court says the Constitution says is what the Constitution actually says. Do you? I don't understand how anybody could. (I assume there is no way to accept that something is unconstitutional because the Supreme Court ruled it was without believing that whatever the Supreme Court says the Constitution says is what the Constitution actually says.) But whether or not you believe that the majority opinion in Texas v White (and every other decision the court has ever ruled on) tells us as clearly what the Constitution means as if God Himself told us what it means, if that ruling in any case captures your view on the constitutionality of secession, please quote, as I've already asked, the part of that decision that captures your view on that question. I'm not familiar enough with that decision to know of anything they actually said that I disagree with. It seems there are basically two ways -- if there's another way, please explain -- to approach questions of constitutionality. One way was summarized by Thomas Jefferson in the Kentucky Resolutions. According to that interpretation the states that seceded were clearly within their "right to judge for [themselves], as well as infractions, as of the mode & measure of redress." Some people reject Jefferson's approach to the Constitution, but it seems that everyone that accepts his approach accepts that the states that seceded had a right to secede (and that the North was wrong to try to stop them.) The other way to approach questions of constitutionality is to say that the Supreme Court has the final say, and whatever they say goes. But if that's the proper way to decide constitutional disputes, then the fact remains that Lincoln said he was going to ban slavery in US territories even after the Supreme Court had ruled that "the act of Congress which prohibited a citizen from holding and owning property of this kind in the territory of the United States north of the line therein mentioned, is not warranted by the Constitution, and is therefore void..." which is to say (according to this second approach) that Lincoln ran for office promising to defy the Constitution. And he not only said he was going to defy the Constitution (to the extent the Supreme Court decisions are definitive), he explicitly rejected the authority of the Supreme Court to broadly decide questions of constitutionality (as I already quoted him as saying.) So if the Supreme Court is supposed to have the final say but a president gets elected promising to defy the Supreme Court and, as you say, "We can see that was the case because that's exactly what Lincoln did: He banned the expansion of slavery," then that raises the question of what remedies there are when a president simply and openly defies the Constitution. That's not a problem if you follow Jefferson, but that's a problem that demands an answer if you reject Jefferson's path. Lincoln obviously didn't follow either path. If he had a coherent approach to the Constitution, you'll have to explain it to me. All I see in Lincoln is dishonest excuses for defying and undermining the Constitution.
    2
  50. 2
  51. 2
  52. 2
  53.  @TheStapleGunKid  Go ahead and "call me out" on things I said that are entirely correct based on your limited and faulty knowledge of the historical facts all you want -- and I can address those specifics, too, along with your comment from 5 days ago to which I still haven't hardly responded -- but no matter how you want to characterize or mischaracterize those events the question remains: the way you use the terms when you say things like "it was about slavery" (seemingly very misleading to me, but if our disagreement is mostly just a misunderstanding due to semantics...) do you even mean to imply anything about whether the South was justified in seceding or fighting the war or whether the North was justified in refusing to allow the South to peacefully secede and in fighting the war? Or do you recognize that the way you're defining your terms is so broad that whether "it was slavery" or not really doesn't tell us anything about any of those questions about justification? "Are you going to stop falsely claiming my terms are broad when I repeatedly give you specifics?" It's not that you haven't given me specifics; the issue is what range of those specifics are encompassed by summary statements like "it was about slavery." If Republican governors from anti-abortion states today were to refuse to extradite people that had murdered random civilians in a pro-abortion state in the name of anti-abortion, and a political dispute ensued particularly over the extradition question, would you likewise want to simplify the whole dispute as one side was for abortion and the other side was against it with the implication that whichever side was right about whether abortion was good or bad was justified in the political dispute?
    2
  54. 2
  55. 2
  56. 2
  57. 2
  58.  @TheStapleGunKid  I'm inclined to believe that just government derives its powers from the consent of the governed. I don't believe great-grandparents can give any meaningful consent for the government of their great-grandchildren, especially not after the great-grandparents are dead and gone. I don't believe majorities can give their consent for the government of political minorities. I believe if majorities could give their consent for minorities, then slave masters could give their consent for their slaves (and even potentially let them have a losing vote.) I don't believe that if someone is making or would make evil choices about how to govern himself that he has any less right to govern himself. I think evil people have as much right to govern themselves as anyone else. Maybe it's possible that wars could be justified to stop other people from doing evil within their own borders but only if there's a very direct campaign to stop a clearly defined evil and then go back to minding one's own business, and I'd be pretty skeptical even at that. I certainly don't believe that other people doing evil gives me any justification to rule over them. If I tried to enslave someone else in order to prevent him from doing evil (even immediately, let alone at some uncertain time in the future), I believe he would be justified in defending himself against my attempts to rule over him/enslave him, even if he were doing evil and I genuinely wanted to enslave him for the purpose of preventing him from doing evil. I believe accusations of evil, especially when used as justification for subjugating other peoples and/or wars, are frequently either false or pot calling the kettle black kind of situations. I believe there are lots of things that can be done in response to evil that aren't at all justified, so just because something in response to evil definitely doesn't mean that the person responding to the evil is justified in what he's doing, nor that the person doing the evil wouldn't be justified in defending himself.
    2
  59. 2
  60.  @TheStapleGunKid  Since you said my previous response doesn't really answer your question, I'll try again. Obviously we're not seeing eye to eye on the historical facts and how to describe and summarize them, so I can't really answer a question based on a false premise, but hypothetically if the North had been on the verge of taking some sort of constitutionally legitimate governmental action that the South wanted to avoid, and in order to avoid the consequences of that governmental action the South had unilaterally seceded (and taken possession of military defenses, etc. in the South), no matter how much I might have supported that governmental action and no matter how much I might object to the way the South wanted to continue governing itself, I would recognize the South's right to self-government, and I would condemn any attempt to subjugate the South. Why wouldn't I? Am I supposed to believe that the right to self-government should be contingent on the seceding group not governing itself according to its own ideas? Am I supposed to believe that freedom means freedom to direct your own affairs so long as you direct them in ways that meet my minimum standards? But it's not as if the North was asking the South to meet any standards in order to secede anyway. Nor was the North threatening any constitutionally legitimate government action that the secession offered any path to avoiding, especially not short term, but not even long term. Are you arguing that because the North might, however many decades later, have had enough votes to pass a constitutional amendment abolishing slavery -- there's no way the North would have had enough votes to ratify a constitutional amendment before the southern states would have chosen to abolish slavery on their own, but even hypothetically granting that nonsense -- and that based on the assumption that they would do that however many decades later and the assumption that the South would continue to resist it, that that has any bearing on the justifications of the war? Even after the Republicans in Congress passed (without any objections from Lincoln) a constitutional amendment irrevocably protecting slavery from any such future amendment, you think they still retained enough high ground to justify their war on the basis of the constitutional amendment to abolish slavery that they might have passed at some point in the unforeseeable future? My latest attempt to answer your question isn't to say, however, that I would necessarily have opposed a war to free the slaves if the North had clearly recognized the right of the southern states to secede and govern themselves, which would have been the opposite of what actually happened. In other words, instead of saying, "You can keep your slaves (even short term), but you can't secede," the North had said, "You can secede so long as you free the slaves," and if the North's war efforts had clearly been limited to freeing the slaves, then that would be a totally different question.
    2
  61. 2
  62. 2
  63. 2
  64. 2
  65. 2
  66. 2
  67. 2
  68. 2
  69. 2
  70. 2
  71. 2
  72. 2
  73. 2
  74. 2
  75. 2
  76. 2
  77. 2
  78. 2
  79. 2
  80. 2
  81. 2
  82. 2
  83. 1
  84. 1
  85. The fact that the slave economy was integral to the production of cotton and the vast majority of America's exports and therefore particularly inclined the southern states toward free trade in opposition the the northern state's desire for protective tariffs and other crony capitalist measures doesn't mean disputes over those things or any of the other things Republicans were wanting to do that would affect the southern states were actually "about slavery." That's an absurd propaganda distortion. As even the famous Massachusetts abolitionist Lysander Spooner said, "The whole affair... has been, and now is, a deliberate scheme of robbery and murder; not merely to monopolize the markets of the South, but also to monopolize the currency, and thus control the industry and trade, and thus plunder and enslave the laborers, of both North and South. ... And to hide at once, if possible, both their servility and crimes, they attempt to divert public attention, by crying out that they have “Abolished Slavery!” ... "The pretense that the “abolition of slavery” was either a motive or justification for the war, is a fraud... And why did these men abolish slavery? Not from any love of liberty in general – not as an act of justice to the black man himself, but only “as a war measure,” ...in carrying on the war they had undertaken for maintaining and intensifying that political, commercial, and industrial slavery, to which they have subjected the great body of the people, both black and white. And yet these imposters now cry out that they have abolished the chattel slavery of the black man – although that was not the motive of the war – as if they thought they could thereby conceal, atone for, or justify that other slavery which they were fighting to perpetuate, and to render more rigorous and inexorable than it ever was before. ... "All these cries of having “abolished slavery,” of having “saved the country,” of having “preserved the union,” ... are all gross, shameless, transparent cheats – so transparent that they ought to deceive no one – when uttered as justifications for the war, or for the government that has succeeded the war..."
    1
  86. 1
  87. 1
  88. 1
  89. 1
  90. 1
  91. 1
  92. 1
  93. 1
  94. 1
  95. 1
  96. 1
  97. 1
  98. 1
  99. 1
  100. 1
  101. 1
  102. 1
  103. 1
  104. 1
  105. 1
  106. 1
  107. 1
  108.  @TheStapleGunKid  The people/their representatives. But in a different (other-than-American) context it could just as well be a monarch or some other representative as elected representatives. As Senator (later president) Warren G. Harding said around the time of WWI, “voting for war in the name of democracy... It is my deliberate judgment that it is none of our business what type of government any nation on this earth may choose to have.” (By the way, are you as much of an interventionist hawk when it comes to foreign countries as you are a fan of despotism at home? How consistent is your opposition to living and letting live? How consistent is your refusal to see any other solution to dealing with differences other than coercion, threats of violence and violence? Did you support Obama's and Trump's missile strikes on Syria and wish we had been more aggressive? Would you defend our wars against Libya, Serbia, Iraq...? Support continued drone strikes against all the countries with which we haven't even been at war, not by modern American standards anyway? Favor increased involvement in Ukraine?) Certainly states have a right to refuse to enter into or remain in union with states that have forms of government too different from their own, too different to make close cooperation impractical. There is obviously wisdom in the constitution's prohibition on allowing Saudi Arabia to become the 51st state. But the details of the process by which Wisconsin may choose to declare something unconstitutional isn't the business of anyone but the people of Wisconsin. As Jefferson wrote elsewhere and in a slightly different context, "to consider the judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions: a very dangerous doctrine indeed and one which would place us under the despotism of an Oligarchy. our judges are as honest as other men, and not more so. ...and their power the more dangerous as they are in office for life, and not responsible, as the other functionaries are, to the elective controul. the constitution has erected no such single tribunal knowing that, to whatever hands confided, with the corruptions of time & party it’s members would become despots... the judges certainly have more frequent occasion to act on constitutional questions, because the laws of meum & tuum, and of criminal action, forming the great mass of the system of law, constitute their particular department. when the legislative or executive functionaries act unconstitutionally, they are responsible to the people in their elective capacity. the exemption of the judges from that is quite dangerous enough. I know no safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society, but the people themselves"
    1
  109. 1
  110. 1
  111. 1
  112. 1
  113. 1
  114. 1
  115. 1
  116. 1
  117. 1
  118. 1
  119. 1
  120. 1
  121. 1
  122. 1
  123. 1
  124. 1
  125. 1
  126. 1
  127. 1
  128. 1
  129. 1
  130. 1
  131. 1
  132. 1
  133. 1
  134. 1
  135. 1
  136. 1
  137. 1
  138. 1
  139. 1
  140. 1
  141. And as to what changes were made between the US and the Confederate constitutions, Stephens said this in April of 1861, "But all the changes — every one of them — are upon what is called the conservative side. Now, this I ask your special atten tion to. It is an important fact. I wish you specially to mark it, for I know that efforts has been made to create prejudice against our movement by telling the conservative men of the country that it sprung from some of the hot heads down South, and should not be relied on or trusted. But take the constitu tion and read it, and you will find that every change in it from the old constitution is conservative. In many respects it is an improvement upon the constitution of our fathers. It has such improvements as the experience of seventy years showed were required. In this particular our revolution thus far is distin guished from popular revolutions in the history of the world. In it are settled many of the vexed questions which disturbed us in the old confederacy. A few of these may be mentioned — such as that no money shall be appropriated from the common treas ury for internal improvement ; leaving all such matters for the local and State authorities. The tariff question is also settled. The presidential term is extended, and no re-election allowed. This will relieve the country of those periodical agitations from which sprang so much mischief in the old government. If his tory shall record the truth in reference to our past system of government, it will be written of us that one of the greatest evils in the old government was the scramble for public offices — connected with the Presidential election. This evil is entirely obviated under the constitution which we have adopted. Many other improvements, as I think, could be mentioned, but it is unnecessary. I have barely alluded to the subject to show 3'ou that we do not invite you to any wild scheme of revolution. We invite Virginia to join us in perpetuating the principles upon which she has ever stood — the only hope of constitutional liberty in the world, as I now seriously apprehend."
    1
  142. 1
  143. 1
  144. 1
  145. 1
  146. 1
  147. 1
  148. 1
  149. 1
  150. 1
  151. 1
  152. 1
  153.  @Rundstedt1  Whether the Republican party intended to ultimately bring about the end of slavery as irrelevant to the question of the justice of the causes of the North and South in their conflict as the question of whether Hitler intended to end communism is irrelevant to the question of the justice of Hitler's and the USSR's causes in WWII. One point from the above quote that I have no trouble with at all, by the way, is calling a politician a "traitor both to principle and duty." That's the norm, and while pro-choice people today talk about what Republicans would do to women's rights in much the same terms as the above quote, the reality is that even when the Republicans recently controlled the White House, the House, and the Senate, and a majority of Supreme Court justices were also appointed by Republicans, not only was abortion not outlawed, but nothing really changed at all. The Republicans, much like the Republicans that voted for the Corwin amendment, even continued to vote for budgets that included funding for Planned Parenthood. That's not to say that slavery wasn't on a course to extinction, but it was on a course to extinction that didn't depend on the Republicans or holier-than-thou Yankees ruling over deplorable Southerners or on union/secession. And just as you'll find no more than "a few dull speeches in favor of" corporate tax cuts in the midst of an abundance of pro-life speeches, rallies, advertisements, etc., that's no proof that the Republican party is actually more committed to the pro-life cause than to corporate tax cuts. (I may be over-simplifying current issues somewhat, but hopefully you get my point regardless.) So while whether the Republican party intended to ultimately bring about the end of slavery is really irrelevant to the questions of whether the South had a right to secede and whether the North was justified in going to war (let alone burning down farmsteads, cities, etc.) to crush the secession, there are nonetheless important questions we can ask about how things like slavery ought to be done away with in a union of states. I'm guessing you don't believe in the anti-abortion cause, but obviously there are people that do, so besides whatever objections you may or may not have to their cause (or substitute a cause in which you do strongly believe), would you object to the political tactics of overtaking a federal armory in a pro-abortion state and murdering random civilians in that state? Or of allowing such terrorists to organize in anti-abortion states or of protecting escaped perpetrators of such attacks from having to serve justice in pro-abortion states? Would you object to a US president banning abortion in Puerto Rico by executive order in defiance of Roe v Wade? Whether you hide from it or not, these are the questions that really matter; these are the sorts of questions that are highly relevant today; and these are the principles that you're really defending.
    1
  154. 1
  155. 1
  156. 1
  157.  @Ben00000  (aka the user that impersonates me because lies are all he has) You quoted Texas saying: "They demand the abolition of negro slavery..." Demand the abolition of slavery or what? What were they going to do if Texas didn't abolish slavery? The same document you quoted goes on to explain: "They have impoverished the slave-holding States by unequal and partial legislation, thereby enriching themselves by draining our substance... And, finally, by the combined sectional vote of the seventeen non-slave-holding States, they have elected as president and vice-president of the whole confederacy two men whose chief claims to such high positions are their approval of these long continued wrongs, and their pledges to continue them..." In other words, submit to our wishes or we'll use our power in DC to exploit you (not that the North's robber barons and their tools in the Republican party weren't going to exploit them regardless; as Alexander Stephens more accurately discerned, "notwithstanding their professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slave.") If you want a one-word summary of what was at stake in the war and why the southern states couldn't secede in peace, tariffs is it.
    1
  158. 1
  159. 1
  160. 1
  161.  @Ben00000  If it answered my questions challenging your nonsense you could explain how, but of course you never even try to explain anything because your arguments are inexplicable nonsense. The questions again: Demand the abolition of slavery or what? What were they going to do if Texas didn't abolish slavery? And the answers again: The same document you quoted goes on to explain: "They have impoverished the slave-holding States by unequal and partial legislation, thereby enriching themselves by draining our substance... And, finally, by the combined sectional vote of the seventeen non-slave-holding States, they have elected as president and vice-president of the whole confederacy two men whose chief claims to such high positions are their approval of these long continued wrongs, and their pledges to continue them..." In other words, submit to our wishes or we'll use our power in DC to exploit you (not that the North's robber barons and their tools in the Republican party weren't going to exploit them regardless; as Alexander Stephens more accurately discerned, "notwithstanding their professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slave.") If you want a one-word summary of what was at stake in the war and why the southern states couldn't secede in peace, tariffs is it.
    1
  162. 1
  163. 1
  164. 1
  165. 1
  166. 1
  167. 1
  168. 1
  169. 1
  170. ​ @Rundstedt1  Is your overarching point that we should be following Lincoln's example to call people deplorable and then use that as an excuse to trash the Constitution? I mean, sure, Southerners were, in fact, deplorable, but so, too, were Republicans. Lincoln: "There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white people to the idea of indiscriminate amalgamation of the white and black races... A separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation, but as an immediate separation is impossible, the next best thing is to keep them apart where they are not already together. If white and black people never get together in Kansas, they will never mix blood in Kansas..." It's important to keep it in perspective that the Republicans weren't advocating anything within their constitutional authority that was going to do southern slaves any good. If they had actually been concerned about slaves, they would have taken up the abolitionist rallying cry of "No Union with slaveholders!" But Republicans wanted to exploit anti-slavery sentiment for the sake of the robber baron class without actually helping to end slavery, trashing the Constitution (and therefore the rule of law) in the process. Do you think social change should take place within the framework of the rule of law or by using accusations of deplorability (sometimes justified, sometimes false allegations, sometimes true but pot calling the kettle black...) as an excuse for bypassing the rule of law and the democratic process?
    1
  171. 1
  172. 1
  173. 1
  174. 1
  175. 1
  176. 1
  177. 1
  178. 1
  179. 1
  180. 1
  181. 1
  182. 1
  183. 1
  184. 1
  185. 1
  186. 1
  187. 1
  188. 1
  189. 1
  190. 1
  191. 1
  192. 1
  193. 1
  194. 1
  195. 1
  196.  @manilajohn0182  > The United States had no obligation, legal or otherwise, which they "refused" to carry out. If I told you Bob asked Sam to give him his wallet and Sam refused, do you conclude that Sam had an obligation, legal or otherwise, to give Bob his wallet? > The United States government simply didn't recognize the new Confederate States government or nation. Which, given the fact that the seceded states had publicly declared their independence, constituted a refusal to recognize southern independence. Are you actually trying to make any point here or are you just playing dumb word games? > your false allegation that the U.S. would "...relinquish the control it had (not by right but simply in matter of fact)", Instead of attacking whatever straw man you're attacking, why don't you try reading what I actually said again? Maybe try reading the whole sentence. > but their bombardment of the fort cost them any prospect of actually creating a nation And what prospect was that? Is there any fleshing that out? Or is it just pure inexplicable myth? > At least you've acknowledged that it was the Confederates who resorted to force of arms- by "evicting" U.S. forces, as you put it. If South Korea decided it no longer needed or wanted US military forces in Korea but wanted to provide entirely for its own defense, asked the US to withdraw its forces, the US refused to withdraw arguing that it had a forever right to maintain a military presence in Korea, Korea rejected that claim, and evicted US military from Korea (without killing a single American), would you say, "it was the Koreans who resorted to force of arms"? Would you consider that a fair summary of the situation?
    1
  197. 1
  198.  @manilajohn0182  > No one asked the U.S. government to recognize the Confederate states, so they didn't refuse anything. That's right! The southern states just forgot to ask. That was the whole reason the war started, wasn't it, because the southern states just forgot to ask the northern states to recognize their independence? No one even knew the southern states wanted to be independent! > The Confederates didn't evict U.S. forces from Fort Sumter Maybe you should look up the meaning of "evict." > U.S. forces on U.S. territory US territory? How do you figure that? I'm sure you'll want to forget what I said in my first comment in this thread that get the discussion between us started. > it didn't take place long after the southern states seceded- a few months Which was way more than long enough for the North to get the word, carefully consider things, and send word back to withdraw to their forces to the North (or to the southern states that hadn't yet seceded and didn't secede until after Lincoln's call to invade and subjugate the states that had already seceded.) > I don't need to expound on Confederate prospects for nationhood. You claimed such prospects existed and were spoiled by South Carolina taking control of its own border defenses, but you can't say what those prospects were because your claim is based strictly on vacuous myth. > Boston Harbor wasn't in Confederate territorial waters. I never said or suggested it was. > I suppose that I am "attacking a straw man"- meaning you- via your South Korea bit. U.S. military bases in Korea are leased to the United States and are not considered U.S. territory. Fort Sumter was U.S. territory in 1861. That's why your analogy is not applicable. What was your point again lol? It's your own point that you've forgotten, and I quoted what you said immediately before I presented the Korean analogy and I immediately followed the analogy with the question you have yet to answer, which was to ask you would say the same thing about the Korean analogy. But when you say the analogy isn't applicable, you don't even have a clue what you're claiming it isn't applicable to.
    1
  199. 1
  200. 1
  201. 1
  202. 1
  203. 1
  204. 1
  205. 1
  206. 1
  207. 1
  208. 1
  209. 1
  210. 1
  211. 1
  212. 1
  213. 1
  214. 1
  215. 1
  216. 1
  217. 1
  218. 1
  219. 1
  220.  @TheStapleGunKid  "It didn't describe or mention any rights... It's pretty silly to argue the constitution never had legitimacy simply because it describes a procedure for ratification that applies to itself." Either the men that ratified the constitution had a right to do what they did or they didn't. Either that right exists or the constitution itself was and is illegitimate. As I said, nothing was said about limiting those rights at other times or in other situations (not that, as I've already said, inalienable rights can be forfeited by any legal mechanisms anyway.) But you want to argue that applying a right to one situation is actually an implicit denial of that right in all other situations? How ridiculous is that! But even if it had been, those limits would have been no more binding than the limits the Articles of Confederation established for making changes to the previous form of government, limits the constitution simply discarded on the basis of the inalienable right the states had to alter or abolish their form of government and institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them should seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. That was the right on which the states established their independence from England in 1776, and it was the same right by which the constitution discarded the Articles of Confederation. It is the basis of every claim to legitimacy the US have ever had (or it least was until the Republicans in 1861 went to war against the foundations of American government.)
    1
  221. 1
  222. 1
  223. 1
  224. 1
  225. 1
  226. 1
  227. 1
  228. 1
  229. 1
  230.  @TheStapleGunKid  "You said "the constitution asserts the right to establish a new government by and among a number of states," which is not only false, but in fact expressly prohibited." The constitution established a new government by and among a number of states, and article 7 makes clear that the standard that the constitution invented for itself (9 of 13 states) with no basis in the pre-existing law (i.e. no basis in the Articles of Confederation) would have been sufficient. If the constitution wasn't asserting the right to establish a new government by and among a number of states, what's the alternative? That the founding fathers believed what they were doing was wrong and illegitimate? That's ridiculous, and there's obviously no historical evidence for your suggestion that the founding fathers believed what they were were doing was ultimately illegitimate, that they didn't have a right to do what they were doing, what we today would call a 9th amendment right. "...but in fact expressly prohibited." What the Confederate states did wasn't prohibited even to the extent that the Articles of Confederation prohibited what the founding fathers believed they had a right to do (which we know because they actually did it), a right that superseded any prohibitions. That the Confederate states were within their rights is even more clear than the case of the founding fathers, because unlike in the case of the founding fathers where the states didn't first secede (a right which isn't prohibited in the constitution to the states and was therefore, according to the 10th amendment, reserved by the states), the Confederate states first seceded before confederating (and whatever they did after seceding obviously isn't subject to regulation under the terms of government from which they seceded.) But even without seceding first, even while still parties to the Articles of Confederation which said, " No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation or alliance whatever between them..." the founding fathers still claimed a right to establish a new government by and among a number of states.
    1
  231. 1
  232.  @TheStapleGunKid  If you reject Jefferson's understanding of the constitution (which is an excellent summary of my own legal view), particularly as regards constitutional disputes -- and, of course, he was far from alone in the founding generation in expressing views contradictory of yours; in fact, there's no clear expression of views like yours from anyone in the founding generation (not that you've even presented any sort of coherent alternative) -- then present a coherent alternative (and answer my questions about the alternative you're suggesting.) If you can't even say what the alternative should be, then you have no ground from which to criticize Jefferson's view. But, yes, it's also true that the seceding states had a natural (revolutionary) right to choose their own government, apart from all constitutional questions, so the North's justifications failed multiple times over. As for the Hunter quote, like you he implies but doesn't say what's really the heart of the matter, probably because he understood it would be a lie to say it, namely the lie that the slavery was in any way at stake in the war. Lincoln and the Union officially denied any purpose of interfering with slavery in the slave states, so however hypocritical the slave states were -- for whatever it's worth, the Union was consistent in its opposition to freedom, denying freedom both to the South and to slaves in its own slave states -- slavery was no more at stake between the Union and Confederacy than it was between the 13 colonies and England. So, yes, the Confederacy was hyopcritical just like the 13 colonies had been hypocritical, but as the abolitionist George Bassett said, “Such is the deranged and distracted condition of the political elements of our country at the present time, that, while the South are bravely fighting the great battle of national liberty in the name of slavery, the North are maintaining the principles of oriental despotism in the name of Liberty!” So not only did the North's justifications fail on natural rights and constitutional grounds, but they failed on moral grounds, too, i.e. they failed to take any moral high ground with regards to slavery.
    1
  233. 1
  234. 1
  235.  RonPaulHatesBlacks  Plenty of Southerners, including the one Righteous Cause Myth propagandists like yourself most love to quote, argued that slavery would be more secure in the union than out of it. If there was some particular thing that the North had been threatening to do that would have adversely affected the fate of slavery that seceding offered any hope of preventing, you could name what that was. You can't name a single thing. The slavery-related constitutional rights that were prominent in the declarations of causes were over rights that clearly weren't at stake in the war, that seceding did nothing to remedy, but rather, as even Lincoln argued, would be totally lost if the southern states seceded. And your username shows why you so hate the South, namely because the South stood for freedom. You are one of those "degraded slaves" that so fears his fellow slaves and so despises freedom that you'll tell any lie about your fellow slaves to try to suppress talk of freedom on the plantation. Tocqueville described you well when he said, "Every man allows himself to be put in leading-strings, because he sees that it is not a person or a class of persons, but the people at large that holds the end of his chain [although in your case, you'd surely bow down before any kind of master.] By this system the people shake off their state of dependence just long enough to select their master, and then relapse into it again. A great many persons at the present day are quite contented with this sort of compromise between administrative despotism and the sovereignty of the people; and they think they have done enough for the protection of individual freedom when they have surrendered it to the power of the nation at large. This does not satisfy me: the nature of him I am to obey signifies less to me than the fact of extorted obedience."
    1
  236.  @TheStapleGunKid  One can be strongly pro-marriage and anti-divorce without believing that husbands should beat their wives into submission if they try to leave. Your interpretation of the Jefferson quotes you shared basically assumes there can be no such differencem, that strong feelings about the value of a union must mean unconditional submission. And, of course, you don't even try to reconcile the Jefferson quotes you shared with other things Jefferson said about secession (including the Declaration of Independence), because that would be as preposterous as your denial of the very definition of slavery. I could share the quotes I shared before again, but you had no argument last time, and I'm sure you'll just completely ignore them this time, too. (If anyone else reading this is curious about other things Jefferson said relating to slavery, please ask.) No one holds your position while seriously confronting the evidence against your position. One question on your red herring, though. When Jefferson says, "When any one state in the American Union refuses obedience to the Confederation by which they have bound themselves..." do you interpret that to mean that states are bound not by their own continuing choice (only so long as they continue to freely choose to bind themselves, to consent in the present) to be part of the union but by a previous choice which they and all future generations have no right to rescind? But your distortion of Jefferson's views on secession are just another red herring, because the question I was addressing wasn't the right of secession but how constitutional disputes should be resolved, the question you've been doing everything you can do avoid in comment after comment. Why is that? The Kentucky Resolutions, especially Jefferson's original draft, are a very good summary of my view of how constitutional disputes should ultimately be settled. As I said before, Jefferson was far from alone in the founding generation in expressing views contradictory of yours; in fact, there's no clear expression of views like yours from anyone in the founding generation (not that you've even presented any sort of coherent alternative.) If you reject Jefferson's view as presented in his draft of the Kentucky Resolutions (and elsewhere, but particularly there) then you should present a coherent alternative (and answer my questions about the alternative you're suggesting.) If you can't even say what the alternative should be, then you have no ground from which to criticize Jefferson's view. "Was slavery at stake in the war? Of course it was....They still understood Lincoln's administration anti-slavery policies, particularly his ban on the expansion of slavery..." Of course, the territorial "expansion of slavery" (which you've interpreted to mean potentially expanding even into places that were already practicing slavery, which is a nonsense interpretation of "expansion", let alone an expansion in terms of who would be enslaved, which the misleading phrase suggests but is totally false) wasn't at stake in the war at all. The Confederacy didn't go to war over any claims to any territory at all besides that of the seceding states themselves. And there was nothing about respecting the right of self-government for the Confederate states -- and it only would have been 7 if Lincoln hadn't called for war to deny that right -- that would have required any compromise on the territorial "expansion of slavery." Preventing the territorial "expansion of slavery" was 100% compatible with respecting the principles of the Declaration of Independence, even more compatible than allowing those slave states to remain in the union, because it meant recognizing an international border across which the constitution prohibited the movement of slaves instead of movement within a union that the Supreme Court had just a few years before ruled the constitution didn't allow the federal government to restrict. Your claims about later in the war would be nonsense even if they had come at the start of the war, but if you think the South didn't have a right to secede in 1861, if the North was justified in forcing the southern states under the government from which they had withdrawn their consent because of soemthing about slavery -- if you think anything about slavery matters in any way with regards to justifications in the war -- then you could find an argument that didn't depend on things that came later, things that Lincoln and the Republican platform hadn't even called for prior to the war, things which Lincoln himself described as a "practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion" and abolitionists described as "not as an act of justice to the black man himself, but only 'as a war measure,' and because they wanted his assistance, and that of his friends, in carrying on the war they had undertaken for maintaining and intensifying that political, commercial, and industrial slavery, to which they have subjected the great body of the people, both black and white."
    1
  237. 1
  238. 1
  239. 1
  240. 1
  241. 1
  242. 1
  243. 1
  244. 1
  245. 1
  246. 1
  247. 1
  248. 1
  249. 1
  250. 1
  251. 1
  252. 1
  253. 1
  254. 1
  255. 1
  256.  @TheStapleGunKid  Whether Washington did what he did or whether he had let the whiskey rebels have their part of Pennsylvania, either way it would be absurd to claim that any ensuing contest would have been about expanding whiskey. Expansion had nothing to do with it. Denying the whiskey rebels the right to secede (not that that was even what they were trying to do) wouldn't have been "the most effective way to prevent [whiskey's] expansion"; expansion had nothing to do with it. The southern states likewise weren't trying to expand anything anywhere. Granted, free government -- as opposed to what the abolitionist Spooner described when he said, "The only idea they have ever manifested as to what is a government of consent, is this – that it is one to which everybody must consent, or be shot. This idea was the dominant one on which the war was carried on; and it is the dominant one, now that we have got what is called “peace.” -- might have attracted other states over time, but the South wasn't threatening anybody else or trying to expand its borders in any way. It's complete and total nonsense to claim the South was fighting to expand when it made no claims on any territory but its own when it seceded or that it was fighting to preserve something that the North was entirely willing to concede. "Slavery's continued survival... depended on the South breaking away from the anti-slavery North..." How do you figure that? What would have happened to slavery in the South if the South had remained in the union that wouldn't have happened if the North had recognized the South's constitutional and inalienable rights to secede and choose its own government?
    1
  257. 1
  258. 1
  259.  @TheStapleGunKid  It figures you didn't mean anything substantive with your initial claim to which I first responded. You presented that claim as if there were two separate things ("...both the reason... and the reason...") when the seceded states controlling their border defenses obviously and naturally followed from secession, as you now more or less recognize. Not that the second point even follows from the first, because secession didn't immediately lead to war and didn't necessitate war... the North could have allowed the South to secede in peace as plenty of Northerners advocated... the war started because for reasons completely separate from any questions relating to chattel slavery (as is likewise the case with the reasons you give) the North refused to allow the South to secede in peace... and those reasons, the North's reasons (which were the same as your reasons for denying the southern states the right to independence), were what defined the war, what defined the North's war demands, what defined the central point on which the two sides couldn't come to terms and the central point over which they fought... so you really only have one point, and that point is indeed nothing but inexplicable nonsense. If your claim that "Slavery was... the reason the Confederates seceded..." isn't inexplicable nonsense, explain in your own words what you mean. The southern states seceded because the Republican-led North was doing and/or threatening to do something/things the southern states didn't like, and that obviously wasn't slavery. The declarations of causes of secession of the states that seceded prior to Lincoln's call to war make perfectly clear that those things were things that seceding did nothing to protect slavery against, i.e. that they weren't seceding to "preserve slavery" from anything Republicans were doing or threatening to do. Seceding did nothing to protect the southern states' constitutional right to have fugitive slaves delivered up from the northern states. Seceding did nothing to protect their constitutional right to take slaves to territories like Kansas (the territory most central to their disputes over the question.) What other slavery-related grievances were there? Quote the declarations of causes if you think there was something else that was more significant and that wasn't even less directly related to the continuation of slavery in the South. ""Our position is thoroughly identified with slavery", they meant it." Sure they did. So what? They also meant it when they began describing why they were seceding by saying, "...fourteen of the States have deliberately refused, for years past, to fulfill their constitutional obligations..." They didn't secede because Northerners were anti-slavery. Northerners had been anti-slavery for decades without that fact presenting any cause for secession. They seceded because Republicans were trashing the constitution, and that's exactly what they said (as I've already quoted to you and as they said in other words multiple times in the declarations of causes.) They didn't secede in order to get the northern states to fulfill their constitutional obligations, because seceding didn't do that, and they never had any expectation of the northern states fulfilling their constitutional obligations after they seceded. Those obligations weren't in any way at stake in the question of secession (except insofar as the southern states chose to absolve the northern states of those obligations by seceding.) What was at stake was the constitution, and that's exactly what they said: "On the 4th day of March next, [Republicans] will take possession of the Government. ... The guaranties of the Constitution will then no longer exist..." "they seceded, in their own words, to avoid 'submission to the mandates of abolition.'" And what would have forced them to submit? They had a constitutional right to practice slavery. The federal government had no constitutional right to interfere, neither directly nor indirectly, as Lincoln himself said. If they didn't want to submit and the North had no constitutional right to make them, then what did they have to fear other than the destruction of the constitution?
    1
  260. 1
  261. 1
  262.  @theonefisher  The Republican party was founded to exploit a social issue without ending slavery in order to gain power to facilitate the age of robber barons. The antebellum Democratic party stood for respecting the framework of the law (the Constitution) for resolving differences and they stood in opposition to crony capitalism. Sure, antebellum Southerners were Democrats, but so was a very significant percentage of Northerners that were no less in favor of slavery than Republicans. Here's one pretty good explanation from a famous Massachusetts abolitionist, Lysander Spooner: these Northern merchants and manufacturers... were willing to continue to be the accomplices of the slave-holders in the future, for the same pecuniary considerations. But the slave-holders, either doubting the fidelity of their Northern allies, or feeling themselves strong enough to keep their slaves in subjection without Northern assistance, would no longer pay the price which these Northern men demanded. And it was to enforce this price in the future – that is, to monopolize the Southern markets, to maintain their industrial and commercial control over the South – that these Northern manufacturers and merchants lent some of the profits of their former monopolies for the war, in order to secure to themselves the same, or greater, monopolies in the future. These – and not any love of liberty or justice – were the motives on which the money for the war was lent by the North. In short, the North said to the slave-holders: If you will not pay us our price (give us control of your markets) for our assistance against your slaves, we will secure the same price (keep control of your markets) by helping your slaves against you, and using them as our tools for maintaining dominion over you; for the control of your markets we will have, whether the tools we use for that purpose be black or white, and be the cost, in blood and money, what it may... And now these lenders of blood-money demand their pay; and the government, so called, becomes their tool, their servile, slavish, villainous tool, to extort it from the labor of the enslaved people both of the North and South. It is to be extorted by every form of direct, and indirect, and unequal taxation. ...these holders of the debt are to be paid still further... by such tariffs on imports as will enable our home manufacturers to realize enormous prices for their commodities; also by such monopolies in banking as will enable them to keep control of, and thus enslave and plunder, the industry and trade of the great body of the Northern people themselves. In short, the industrial and commercial slavery of the great body of the people, North and South, black and white, is the price which these lenders of blood money demand, and insist upon, and are determined to secure, in return for the money lent for the war... The meaning of this is: Submit quietly to all the robbery and slavery we have arranged for you, and you can have “peace.” But in case you resist, the same lenders of blood-money, who furnished the means to subdue the South, will furnish the means again to subdue you... The whole affair, on the part of those who furnished the money, has been, and now is, a deliberate scheme of robbery and murder; not merely to monopolize the markets of the South, but also to monopolize the currency, and thus control the industry and trade, and thus plunder and enslave the laborers, of both North and South. And Congress and the president are today the merest tools for these purposes... And to hide at once, if possible, both their servility and crimes, they attempt to divert public attention, by crying out that they have “Abolished Slavery!” That they have “Saved the Country!” That they have “Preserved our Glorious Union!”... The pretense that the “abolition of slavery” was either a motive or justification for the war, is a fraud... Who, but such usurpers, robbers, and murderers as they, ever established slavery? Or what government, except one resting upon the sword, like the one we now have, was ever capable of maintaining slavery? And why did these men abolish slavery? Not from any love of liberty in general – not as an act of justice to the black man himself, but only “as a war measure,” and because they wanted his assistance, and that of his friends, in carrying on the war they had undertaken for maintaining and intensifying that political, commercial, and industrial slavery, to which they have subjected the great body of the people, both black and white. And yet these imposters now cry out that they have abolished the chattel slavery of the black man – although that was not the motive of the war – as if they thought they could thereby conceal, atone for, or justify that other slavery which they were fighting to perpetuate, and to render more rigorous and inexorable than it ever was before... Still another of the frauds of these men is, that they are now establishing, and that the war was designed to establish, “a government of consent.” The only idea they have ever manifested as to what is a government of consent, is this – that it is one to which everybody must consent, or be shot. This idea was the dominant one on which the war was carried on; and it is the dominant one, now that we have got what is called “peace.” Their pretenses that they have “Saved the Country,” and “Preserved our Glorious Union,” are frauds like all the rest of their pretenses. By them they mean simply that they have subjugated, and maintained their power over, an unwilling people. This they call “Saving the Country”; as if an enslaved and subjugated people – or as if any people kept in subjection by the sword (as it is intended that all of us shall be hereafter) – could be said to have any country. This, too, they call “Preserving our Glorious Union”; as if there could be said to be any Union, glorious or inglorious, that was not voluntary. Or as if there could be said to be any union between masters and slaves; between those who conquer, and those who are subjugated. All these cries of having “abolished slavery,” of having “saved the country,” of having “preserved the union,” of establishing “a government of consent,” and of “maintaining the national honor,” are all gross, shameless, transparent cheats – so transparent that they ought to deceive no one – when uttered as justifications for the war, or for the government that has succeeded the war, or for now compelling the people to pay the cost of the war, or for compelling anybody to support a government that he does not want.
    1
  263.  @theonefisher  Big difference between what you said about "ending" slavery and, as your link says, keeping slaveholders from taking slaves to the territories. The latter was significant especially insofar as it offered a political advantage to the party. Besides the political advantages of getting new states to align against the Democratic South, the chief motivation was summarized well by Lincoln when he said, “There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white people to the idea of indiscriminate amalgamation of the white and black races … A separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation, but as an immediate separation is impossible, the next best thing is to keep them apart where they are not already together. If white and black people never get together in Kansas, they will never mix blood in Kansas…” And also: “Our republican system was meant for a homogeneous people. As long as blacks continue to live with the whites they constitute a threat to the national life. Family life may also collapse and the increase of mixed breed bastards may some day challenge the supremacy of the white man.” And Georgia's declaration of causes of secession similarly described the Republicans' crony capitalist motivations: "[after] the act of 1846 was passed... the principle was settled, and free trade, low duties, and economy in public expenditures was the verdict of the American people. The South and the Northwestern States sustained this policy. There was but small hope of its reversal; upon the direct issue, none at all. All these classes saw this and felt it and cast about for new allies. The anti-slavery sentiment of the North offered the best chance for success."
    1
  264. 1
  265. 1
  266.  @sabin97  What do you mean when you say the South fought for slavery? Yes, obviously the South was for slavery, but it's not as if the North had been threatening to abolish slavery in any kind of constitutionally legitimate way (or really in any way at all) prior to or even after secession, so the South definitely wasn't fighting for slavery in the sense of fighting against abolition, because there was no war over abolition, not even close. And there's nothing the Confederacy could have done about slavery (e.g. to abolish it) that would have appeased the North's war aims. The North's basis for denying the Confederate States the right to self-government was completely independent of anything to do with slavery. And the South's declarations of causes are declarations of causes of secession. The South never, according to their own documents, said they were fighting for slavery. They seceded states said they were fighting for their right to choose their own government. And that's obviously what the war was about: the South was fighting for the right to govern itself, and the North was fighting to be able to subjugate the South by force against its will (much like a slave master subjugates a slave.) Even some abolitionists recognized that it was the North, not the South, that was fighting for slavery. But it's not even accurate to say that the South seceded for slavery. The grievances they listed in their declarations of causes certainly related to slavery, and the southern states certainly wanted to maintain slavery, but seceding did nothing to protect the southern states' ability to take slaves to Kansas or Nebraska; and seceding did nothing to ensure the extradition of terrorists that murdered random Southerners under shallow abolitionist pretenses -- in fact, seceding meant forfeiting any extradition rights; and seceding did nothing to ensure the return of fugitive slaves from the non-slave states -- in fact, seceding meant forfeiting the rights of the fugitive slave clause even from the slave states that remained in the union. So even those abuses of the slave states' constitutional rights which played a major role in leading the Confederate states to secede weren't rights for which those states seceded.
    1
  267. 1
  268. 1
  269. 1
  270. 1
  271. 1
  272. 1
  273. 1
  274. 1
  275. 1
  276. 1
  277. 1
  278. 1
  279. 1
  280. 1
  281. 1
  282. 1
  283. 1
  284. 1
  285. 1
  286. 1
  287. 1
  288. 1
  289. 1
  290. 1
  291. 1
  292. 1
  293. 1
  294. 1
  295. 1
  296. 1
  297. 1
  298. 1
  299. 1
  300. 1
  301. 1
  302. 1
  303. 1
  304. 1
  305. 1
  306. 1
  307. 1
  308. 1
  309.  @jaranarm  Couldn't wait for the Union army to arrive? Who are you talking about? Slaves? The people that in subsequent interviews said things like... "The worst time we ever had was when the Yankee men come thru. We had heard they was coming and the missus tell us to put on a big pot of peas to cook, so we put some white peas in a big pot and put a whole ham in it, so that we’d have plenty for the Yankees to eat. Then when they come, they kicked the pot over and the peas went one way and the ham another. The Yankees destroyed almost everything we had." "The Yankees come. First thing they look for was money. They put a pistol right in my forehead and say: ‘I got to have your money, where is it?’ There was a gal, Caroline, who had some money; they took it away from her. They took the geese, the chickens and all that was worth taking off the place, stripped it. Took all the meat out the smoke-house, corn out the crib, cattle out the pasture, burnt the gin-house and cotton. When they left, they shot some cows and hogs and left them lying right there. There was a awful smell round there for weeks after." "Oh, they was the worst people there ever was, Pa say. Took all the hams and shoulders out the smokehouse and like I tell you, what they never carried off, they made a scaffold and burned it up. Lord, have mercy, I hopes I ain’t going never have to meet no Yankees." "When the Yankees come, they went through the big house, tore up everything, ripped open the feather beds and cotton mattresses, searching for money and jewels. Then they had us slaves catch the chickens, flung open the smoke-house, take the meat, meal, flour, and put them in a four-horse wagon and went on down to Longtown. Them was scandalous days, boss! I hope never to see the likes of them times with these old eyes again." "No ma’am, I never seed Sherman but I seed some of his soldiers. That’s the time I run off in the wood and not a soul knowed where I was until the dust had done settled in the big road." "When the Yankees come they took off all they couldn’t eat or burn, but don’t let’s talk about that. Maybe if our folks had beat them and get up into their country our folks would have done just like they did. Who knows?" "Does I remembers the Yankees? Yes sir, I remember when they come. It was cold weather, February, now that I think of it. Oh, the sights of them days. They camp all around up at Mt. Zion College and stable their horses in one of the rooms. They gallop here and yonder and burn the Episcopal Church on Sunday morning. A holy war they called it, but they and Wheeler’s men was a holy terror to this part of the world, as naked and hungry as they left it." "I just can remember the Yankees. Don’t remember that they was so bad. You know they say even the devil ain’t as black as he is painted. The Yankees did take off all the mules, cows, hogs, and sheep, and ransack the smoke-house, but they never burnt a thing at our place. Folks wonder at that. Some say it was because General Bratton was a high degree Mason." "I remember that day just as good as it had been dis day right here. Oh, my God, them Yankees never bring nothing but trouble and destructiveness when they come here, child."
    1
  310. 1
  311. 1
  312. 1
  313. 1
  314. 1
  315. 1
  316. 1
  317. 1
  318. 1
  319. 1
  320. 1
  321. 1
  322. 1
  323. 1
  324. 1
  325. 1
  326. 1
  327. 1
  328. 1
  329. 1
  330. 1
  331. 1
  332. 1
  333. 1
  334. 1
  335. 1
  336. 1
  337. 1
  338. 1
  339. 1
  340. 1
  341. 1
  342. 1
  343. 1
  344. 1
  345. 1
  346. 1
  347. 1
  348. 1
  349. 1
  350. 1
  351. 1
  352. 1
  353. 1
  354. 1
  355. 1
  356. 1
  357. 1
  358. 1
  359. 1
  360. 1
  361.  @woodrowcall3158  Apparently your point has nothing to do with the Confederate constitution (where your and my discussion began and the where I've repeatedly pressed you), and you have no point to make on the basis of the clauses you originally cited, because in explaining your point you didn't so much as mention the Confederate constitution. Very well. > Slavery was the chief aggravating factor (not the sole factor) that led to secession. That's like saying that Islam was the chief aggravating factor (not the sole factor) that led to 9/11, and then going on to say that 9/11 was or wasn't justified on the basis of whether you believe Islam is good or bad. It's not that I disagree so much as that I believe your historical claim is vague nonsense, vague nonsense that is useful only for dishonest propagandists that serves only to distract from the questions that actually matter. And in any case it doesn't follow from the fact that there were more slaves in the Confederacy than in the Union or from the fact that multiple Union states had abolished slavery or from the fact that the South was pro-slavery or that Republicans employed anti-slavery rhetoric that the Union had a right to rule over the southern states without their consent, especially not while the Republican-led North continued to affirm the southern states' right to practice slavery as long as they wanted and while offering to irrevocably amend the US constitution to protect slavery from federal interference. > The issue of slavery is why people were killing each other in the Kansas territory well before secession. Whether slavery would be protected or prohibited in Kansas was superficially a big part of why people killed each other, but (1) the question wasn't whether any slaves would be freed or continue to be slaves but rather whether slaves in other states would continue to be slaves in those other states or whether they would continue to be slaves in Kansas -- not a big difference from the perspective of the slave, and in fact being a slave in Kansas might have even been a marginal improvement over being a slave in Mississippi; (2) the main reason people were fighting over whether slavery would be allowed in Kansas was because it seemed likely to influence the balance of power in DC, and that mattered not (as with point 1) because it would make any substantial difference in the lives of slaves but because it would make a difference in whether Republicans would be able to gain enough power to use the federal government to enrich the robber baron class that they chiefly represented at the expense especially of the South's export-based agriculture; and (3) clearly none of the southern states seceded in order to be able to maintain slaveholding rights in Kansas. On the contrary, seceding clearly meant forfeiting claims to all such rights, which is the opposite of fighting for them, so it's nothing but misinformation to suggest that the war was in any war fought over what people fought over in Kansas. And not only was the issue of whether Kansas would protect or prohibit slavery not an issue that seceding offered any hope of resolving in favor of slaveholders, but neither was any other slavery-related issue. If there had been any such issue, you could clearly articulate what it was, but there wasn't any such issue, certainly not any issue that anyone would honestly claim was central to the war. > The only issue of “self governance” that was substantive enough to warrant protest by the south was slavery. No, BS! There was no slavery-related issue of "self governance" that was in dispute. The Republican-led North fully recognized the southern states' right to continue practicing slavery. They were even willing to amend the constitution to make that right irrevocable. That clearly wasn't what the war was fought over.
    1
  362.  @woodrowcall3158  > For you to say that there “was no slavery-related issue” in concern to self governance is kinda baffling. There were issues/disputes prior to secession over whether slavery would be protected or prohibited in Kansas (even though a large majority of the Supreme Court had already very recently declared that the constitution guaranteed the right of US citizens to take slaves to the territories), over whether the guarantee of the constitution's fugitive slave clause would be honored or nullified... but those weren't issues of the seceded states self-governance, which was your claim. If there was any issue relating to the seceded states' self-governance, just tell me what it was. Of course, I already challenged you to do so and you didn't. Is that because you're determined to believe in the revisionist Righteous Cause Myth even if it's inexplicable nonsense to you, too? > If the left started a civil war over abortion tomorrow, would you say that abortion was the only issue that they found divisive in their opposition? If the Jeffersonian principle that the federal government "was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself" and that each state "has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress" had not yet been destroyed by an unjust war to subjugate the states to the absolute rule of DC, and if in that context the representatives of the anti-abortion states were universally affirming their commitment to the constitutional limits of the federal government and affirming the right of pro-abortion states to continue allowing abortion and weren't making any threats of using the federal government to overstep their constitutional powers to interfere with the right of pro-abortion states to allow abortion, even while they spoke out strongly against abortion and disputed whether the constitution gave DC the authority to prohibit abortion on overseas US military bases and violated the constitution's extradition clause to protect anti-abortion terrorists that had murdered random citizens of pro-abortion states or other such issues without any direct application to the pro-abortion states themselves, and if the pro-abortion states decided they wanted to secede under those circumstances and the anti-abortion states denied their right to secede and then went to war to forcefully subjugate the pro-abortion states, I would (1) say the anti-abortion states were in the wrong, even though they were right on the abstract question of whether abortion is murder, and (2) I think it would be dishonest propaganda to claim such a war had been fought over abortion.
    1
  363. 1
  364. 1
  365. 1
  366. 1
  367. 1
  368. 1
  369. 1
  370. 1
  371. 1
  372. 1
  373. 1
  374.  @Dennis-nc3vw  There's a big difference between wanting America to win versus wanting America to lose versus wanting America to never enter the fight to begin with or to quit fighting a fight we never should have entered to begin with. As John Randolph of Roanoke said, "this Government was not instituted for the purpose of offensive war. No – it was framed (to use its own language) for the common defence and the general welfare, which are inconsistent with offensive war. I call that offensive war which goes out of our jurisdiction and limits for the attainment or protection of objects not within those limits and that jurisdiction. As in 1798 I was opposed to this species of warfare [the Quasi-War with France], because I believed it would raze the Constitution to its very foundation, so in 1806 am I opposed to it, and on the same grounds. No sooner do you put the Constitution to this use, to a test which it is by no means calculated to endure, than its incompetency to such purposes becomes manifest and apparent to all. I fear if you go into a foreign war for a circuitous, unfair trade, you will come out without your Constitution. Have you not contractors enough in this House? Or do you want to be overrun and devoured by commissaries and all the vermin of contract? I fear, Sir, that what are called the energy men will rise up again – men who will burn the parchment. We shall be told that our Government is too free, or, as they would say, weak and inefficient. Much virtue, Sir, in these terms. That we must give the President power to call forth the resources of the nation – that is, to filch the last shilling from our pockets, or to drain the last drop of blood from our veins. I am against giving this power to any man, be him who he may."
    1
  375. 1
  376. 1
  377. 1
  378. 1
  379. 1
  380. 1
  381. 1
  382. 1
  383. 1
  384. 1
  385. 1
  386. 1
  387. 1
  388. 1
  389. 1
  390.  @manilajohn0182  > The next paragraph is only your opinion and is not supported by the historical record. I didn't really say anything about any history. I spoke about what unions are and what violence against other members of a union constitutes. It doesn't constitute "preserving." > Fort Sumter, which was United States territory and land which the Confederate States of America had no legal claim to. The people of the southern states had as much right to their share of the previously jointly held assets as the people of the northern states did. And the people of the northern states had absolutely no valid reason for wanting to continue to control the border defenses of the southern states. As the abolitionist George Bassett said early in 1861, "The whole object of those forts is... protection. While the peoples of those States or territories are protected by the United States, the United States authorities occupy and garrison those forts at an expense which is defrayed by a revenue voluntarily paid by the people. Here is a fair, legitimate transaction, a quid pro quo. A sovereign people paying the United States, by a revenue, for protecting and guarding her national interests. But when any State ceases to require the protection of the general government and proposes to protect herself, and the United States authority ceases, for the want of the requisite consent of the people interested, there is no reason why the general government should retain possession of those forts, but every reason why they should go into the hand of the people of that territory... Keep ever in view the only legitimate object of government—the protection of the people—and you cannot but recognize the absurdity of forcing protection upon an unwilling people at the point of the bayonet."
    1
  391. 1
  392. 1
  393. 1
  394. 1
  395. 1
  396.  @juliank6793  > the war was independence as far as it was the method they were using to defend slavery What threat are you imagining independence would have defended slavery from? Or even offered a hope of defending slavery from? > it's to keep slavery As if they wouldn't have been able to keep slavery if they remained in the union? What would have stopped them? Sure, they wanted to keep slavery, just like they did in 1776 when they fought their first independence war, but in neither case was there anything that they had to fight to protect slavery from. That's an entirely historically baseless propaganda myth. > Unless some document you can find says "we are seceding because the federal government says we can't." That's pretty clearly why Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas seceded, right? They voted not to secede until Lincoln called to forcibly deny the states that had voted to secede the right to secede, and then they overwhelmingly changed their positions. Along that's also what one northern abolitionist, George Bassett, said in early 1861 (before VA, NC, TN, and AR had seceded) about the other states that had followed South Carolina: "What if it is South Carolina that is conquered now? It may be Massachusetts next. I know that slavery complains the most to-day, but liberty may be the next victim, if, indeed, it is not even now to be the real victim. "It is the destruction of the government, because it is a political revolution. It is a change of the whole spirit of the government, from a confederacy of sovereign States, held together by mutual interest and common attachment, to a consolidated empire, bound together by military force. "It is also, to some extent, an efficient cause of the present dissolution of the Union. It is the belligerent doctrines and attitude of the dominant politicians of the North, which have precipitated this movement of secession. If the right of secession had been conceded at the first, the movement would have been deprived of its essential vigor and intenseness. The people, feeling that they had a conceded right to secede at will, would naturally have delayed an act so fearfully pregnant with possible evils. They would have given themselves time to fully consider the subject in all its bearings and possible consequences. Nor could so many States have been induced to follow the momentous experiment in such hasty succession. It is very doubtful if the movement could have been effected at all, if the right to make it had not been denied. But the right was denied with threats of coercion, and the people of the slave States saw impending over them a political domination which, if its doctrines were carried out, would destroy their legitimate sovereignty, and reduce them to the condition of conquered provinces of political slaves. They were, therefore, driven to the fearful experiment of secession by the necessities of their contested and endangered rights."
    1
  397. 1
  398. 1
  399. 1
  400. 1
  401. 1
  402. 1
  403. 1
  404. 1
  405. 1
  406. 1
  407. 1
  408. 1
  409. 1
  410. 1
  411.  @TheStapleGunKid  Just because Garrison had radical views about women or whatever else and just because someone with some modern-day group in Massachusetts wants to suggest something without providing any historical basis for the claim (other than things like views about women not directly related to abolitionism) is no reason to believe that disunionism wasn't widely supported by abolitionists. The American Anti-Slavery Society was the largest abolitionist organization in the States, not some fringe, radical organization (except insofar as all abolitionists were fringe radicals at the time), so a vote of members of the AASS is indeed representative of the abolitionist mainstream. And just because many abolitionists espoused principles that they then refused when their enemies appealed to those principles, doesn't negate the fact that LARGE MAJORITIES OF ABOLITIONISTS advocated exactly what the South fought for (the right to secede and separation from the non-slave states.) But multiple prominent abolitionists, like Bassett, Spooner, Blanchard, Warren... did remain true to the principles large majorities of abolitionists had long defended. If any abolitionists are to be held up as shining examples, it should those that didn't shift with the sands but held true to principle. And it's BS propaganda to call the southern states' secession a "rebellion." Do you think Brexit was a "rebellion"? And it's BS propaganda to say the southern states seceded to "preserve slavery," when even you have recognized that seceding didn't "preserve" slavery against any threat to slavery, except insofar as you want to conflate secession with possible future things the Confederate States might have done (and then further assume that those things wouldn't have been done peaceably.) And it's BS propaganda to call beating a partner(s) into submission "preserving a union." And it's despicable to imply that any sort of "union" that would be based on violence and threats of violence would be worth preserving in the first place.
    1
  412. 1
  413. 1
  414. 1
  415. 1
  416. 1
  417. 1
  418.  @TheStapleGunKid  Who was Tappan speaking for in 1834 in the quote you shared? Just himself, as president of the AASS? Was that particular statement voted on by the members of the AASS? In any case, by the late 1840's we know that the disunionism was supported by a very large majority of the members of the AASS, and that continued to be the case through at least the Worcester Convention of 1857. Of course, not all abolitionists supported disunionism, but it was a large majority of what was by far the largest abolitionist organization. If representing a large majority within what was by far the largest abolitionist organization doesn't represent a mainstream abolitionist position, what would? And even the better known abolitionists like Frederick Douglass that by sometime in the 1850's were no longer supporting disunionism were still active members of the AASS and not the Liberty Party, so they, too, were represented in the AASS votes in which large majorities voted in favor of disunion. As for Garrison and Douglass, Garrison had been an outspoken disunionist well before whatever split occurred between the two of them, so whatever change on disunionism contributed to any split was on the part of Douglass moving away from disunionism, not Garrison toward it. And it's ridiculous to equate Lincoln's positions with that of any of the abolitionists, just because they happened to find common ground with regards to opposing disunionism. You might as well equate the political philosophies of FDR and Stalin, just because they happened to find common ground with regards to opposing Germany. As Lincoln said after issuing the Emancipation Proclamation, “Understand, I raise no objections against it [slavery] on legal or constitutional grounds … I view the matter [emancipation] as a practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.” Lincoln's position on slavery was always subservient to his other priorities. That was never the case for real abolitionists on either side of the disunion question.
    1
  419. 1
  420. 1
  421. 1
  422. 1
  423.  @TheStapleGunKid  "Lincoln had no power whatsoever to free all the slaves in the United States in 1863." He had no more constitutional power to free the slaves of citizens (that he claimed were still US citizens) that happened to live on one side of the battle lines as on the other. Do you think he did? ""Lincoln acted against slavery with all the means he had available"? Is anyone really supposed to take that seriously?" You dispute this claim?" No one forced him to swear an oath to uphold the fugitive slave clause, but he did, saying, "It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other... I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules..." Is swearing to uphold the fugitive slave clause, something he freely chose to do, "acting against slavery with all the means he had available"? Tell me how you'll twist that into an absurd yes. And what other means did he have? If your point was that, as Lincoln said, "I have no lawful [i.e. constitutional] right to" "directly or indirectly... interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists," and he did everything he could to directly or indirectly interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists, then you're just playing word games. And if your point is that he acted against slavery but not directly or indirectly against slavery in the states where it existed, but only in other places, then your point has nothing to do with the Confederacy or the war.
    1
  424. 1
  425. 1
  426. 1
  427. 1
  428. 1
  429. 1
  430.  @jaranarm  So you think political parties should "put an end to... that judicial madness" of bad Supreme Court decisions on the constitution? In other words, you think political parties should be the ultimate arbiters of constitutional questions, not by passing and ratifying constitutional amendments, but by decisively determining the meaning and implications of the constitution? The proper solution is what Thomas Jefferson said: "...the several states composing the US. of America are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their general government; but that, by a compact under the style & title of a Constitution for the US. and of Amendments thereto, they constituted a general government for special purposes, delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each state to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the General government assumes undelegated powers, it’s acts are unauthoritative, void, & of no force. that to this compact each state acceded as a state, and is an integral party, it’s co-states forming, as to itself, the other party. that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made it’s discretion, & not the constitution the measure of it’s powers: but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode & measure of redress."
    1
  431. 1
  432. 1
  433. 1
  434. 1
  435.  @TheStapleGunKid  So you're essentially denying the truth of the content of jaranarm's opening quote? "They have declared, by the election of Lincoln, 'There shall be no more slave territory–no more slave States.'" You wouldn't know it by the Republican platform, though. "They Republicans thought SCOTUS got their ruling wrong, so their goal was to get SCOTUS to overturn it..." No indication of any of that in the Republican platform. Again, nothing to contradict the belief that "by the election of Lincoln" the new policy would be directly effected, rather than indirectly through the courts. "Again, nothing unusual. That's the modern republican strategy for overturning Roe V. Wade." The modern Republican platform speaks directly about appointing anti-abortion judges and about amending the constitution. The 1860 Republican platform did no such thing but directly denied what the Supreme Court had said and claimed authority to do what the Supreme Court said Republicans had no authority to do. "The Confederate states launched a rebellion BEFORE the Republicans did anything to slavery in the territories." You've been saying all along that what Republicans did after the war started is proof of why the southern states seceded. Which is it? Regardless, the southern states' leading grievance had nothing to do with the territories. The southern states' grievances began with what the northern states had "for years past" refused to do. Past, not before. "When laws are passed that you think are unconstitutional, the proper response would be to challenge them in court, not launch a revolution." Tell that to Lincoln, who instead of challenging secession in court, started The War of Northern Aggression. "If a state could launch a revolution in response to any law they thought was unconstitutional, we would be in a state of permanent revolution forever." So is the EU in a state of permanent revolution forever, because any state can secede whenever it chooses? Nonsense. What you're arguing for would be, in the words of Thomas Jefferson (obviously not in reference to issues 60+ years after he wrote them), "to surrender the form of govmt we have chosen, & to live under one deriving it’s powers from it’s own will & not from our authority." "If the South actually cared about the constitution, that's what they would have done: Challenged any ban on slavery in the territories in court." Again, tell that to Lincoln. You're the one defending the practice of acting first and leaving it to anyone that objects to challenge it in the courts. If Lincoln had constitutional objections to secession, then by your standards, it's his fault for not taking his objections to the courts but rather starting a war to resolve it.
    1
  436. 1
  437. 1
  438. 1
  439. 1
  440. 1
  441. 1
  442. 1
  443.  @nmmccrea  > a constitutional amendment Nowhere in the declarations of causes of secession is there any mention of an abolition amendment or anything else of the sort (by which I mean the Republican-led North using its constitutionally legitimate power to abolish slavery in the southern states.) And not only is there no mention of a constitutional amendment, but none of the slavery-related grievances mentioned in the declarations of causes of secession were even issues that seceding resolved in favor of slaveholders. Northern states refusing to abide by their constitutional obligation to deliver up fugitive slaves (as per the constitutions' fugitive slave clause) led the southern states to declare the constitutional bargain broken and voided, but the war obviously wasn't fought to force the northern states to deliver up fugitive slaves. The southern states tried to walk away from the constitution, including the northern states' obligation to deliver up fugitive slaves. It was the Republican-led North that wouldn't have it. That's why northern abolitionists like Joshua Blanchard said things at the time like: "It seems so clear that slavery in the South could not long exist when deprived of the support of the North, that we are surprised that this evident consequence is so overlooked or disregarded... It is plain, then, that this war is not an anti-slavery, but a pro-slavery war." > By pushing Congress to adopt a constitutional amendment. Besides the fact that Republicans denied any interest in any such thing and the fact that there's no mention of any constitutional amendment in any of the declarations of causes of secession, i.e. besides the complete lack of any historical evidence for your myth, you don't even seem to know how the constitution can be amended. Congress can't amend the constitution. > Literally how it happened in real life. No, not how it happened. The 13th amendment became law when Georgia voted for it (after multiple other former Confederate states had already voted for it.) There was never any remotely realistic prospect of an abolition amendment being forced on the southern states so long as they didn't support it themselves.
    1
  444. 1
  445. 1
  446. 1
  447. 1
  448. 1
  449. 1
  450. 1
  451.  @Ben00000  You didn't say anything about the northern states demanding that the southern states abolish slavery. You said, "they believed that Lincoln and the new Republican party were going to abolish slavery." And how did Texas, whose declaration you quoted, assert that the North was demanding the abolition of slavery? To the extent there was a demand, it most certainly wasn't a threat of amending the constitution or anything else according to the rule of law but rather a demand under threat of "invad[ing] Southern soil and murder[ing] unoffending citizens, and through the press their leading men and a fanatical pulpit have bestowed praise upon the actors and assassins in these crimes, while the governors of several of their States have refused to deliver parties implicated and indicted for participation in such offenses, upon the legal demands of the States aggrieved." In other words, to the extent there was any demand, it was the demand of terrorists, not anything in accordance with the constitution or the rule of law, not anything justifiable. Not that the Republican led North was actually demanding the abolition of slavery either (let alone "going to abolish slavery" as you absurdly claimed.) Lincoln's and the Republican party's 1860 platform actually said, "That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes." So Lincoln and the Republicans unambiguously forfeited any excuses abolition might have provided for waging war against the South, even if demanding the southern states forfeit their self-government could have been justified (which, even then, would still have been false.) And so it's clear the North had no valid justification for invading and subjugating the South, and the South was entirely justified in resisting the unjust aggression.
    1
  452. 1
  453. 1
  454. 1
  455. 1
  456. 1
  457. 1
  458.  @johnboehmer6683  Are you still digging? You can dig all the way to China and you won't find any quotes of Lincoln contradicting the things he said in the quotes I shared (not prior to or at any time in the early part of the war, and not really even after the emancipation proclamation, which he very clearly said he was issuing for the same reasons he had been waging to war all along.) Did some other Northerners hold abolitionist positions? Of course, but they were a fringe minority not represented by Republicans. William Lloyd Garrison reported in The Liberator, “...it was decided by a vote of nearly three to one of members present [at the tenth anniversary meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society]….that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved; that secession from the government is a religious and political duty, that the motto inscribed on the banner of Freedom should be NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS!” That was the mainstream position of abolitionists practically until the war started, and then they mostly abandoned their principles rather than defend the South's right to independence. But some abolitionists did continue to stand on the same principles they had all along. Joshua Blanchard, for example, wrote in The Liberator in March of 1861: "The doctrine that the prerogatives of government are more sacred and inviolable than the rights, liberties, and welfare and even lives of individual men, is now openly maintained by the advocates of an enforced union, in direction opposition to the principle of popular sovereignty.... The success of this compulsory measure, establishing the character of our national government as one maintained by coercion, and not by consent, would be an awful apostacy, a retrogression into the barbarous maxims of European domination, cemented in blood; an utter failure of the first magnificent experiment of popular government, the the exultation of tyrants, the disgrace of our land, the despair of all the friends of freedom in the world. "...But the harmonious union of the people of this nation, on the principle of general consent, can never be maintained where the sentiments of the two great sections of it are at such irreconcilable variance on the vital question of the right to slavery... The only plan, then, for national reputation, for safety, for justice, and even for humanity, is to give each section an independent government, confirmed to its own ideas of right – that is, peaceable separation from each other." "Clearly there were plenty of dissenters in the day, some powerful, that would not have been willing to go along willfully if they knew it was about freeing the slaves." And why do you think politicians would have been any more interested in freeing slaves (in states where they had no constitutional authority to free slaves) than the voters they represented? Because voters are crooked and politicians are too pure and noble for them? What kind of nonsense is that? "there is a good amount of evidence that freeing the slaves was, at the very least, a major reason for the war." Let me know when you get to China. "WHY would he [Lincoln] need to preserve the Union?" He didn't. He could have let the southern states secede in peace. And he wouldn't have driven the Upper South to follow the Deep South if he had allowed the Deep South to secede in peace. But why did he call for war to deny the southern states the right to self-government? Because (1) it's in the nature of politicians to want to control other people and he wanted power for himself and for DC, and he despised the idea (on which American independence was founded) that he and DC should have real accountability to the people and (2) because the North and particularly the robber barons that Republicans foremost represented wanted to profit off of the southern economy. As the Massachusetts abolitionist Lysander Spooner said: "for a purely pecuniary consideration, to wit, a control of the markets in the South; in other words, the privilege of holding the slave-holders themselves in industrial and commercial subjection to the manufacturers and merchants of the North..." And that's the same thing Alexander Stephens (VP of the Confederacy) recognized: "notwithstanding their [Republicans'] professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slave." And that's entirely consistent with Lincoln's actions and his own words: "The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere." (March 1861)
    1
  459. 1
  460. 1
  461.  @iamawesome7351  And what do those documents say about the war? There's a section at the end of the so-called cornerstone speech about the possibility of war (which I'm copying below), but there's no mention of any aspect of slavery anywhere in that section, unless you count the section immediately following where he discusses Republican's motivations and says Republicans "are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor." "As to whether we shall have war with our late confederates, or whether all matters of differences between us shall be amicably settled, I can only say that the prospect for a peaceful adjustment is better, so far as I am informed, than it has been. The prospect of war is, at least, not so threatening as it has been. The idea of coercion, shadowed forth in President Lincoln's inaugural, seems not to be followed up thus far so vigorously as was expected. Fort Sumter, it is believed, will soon be evacuated. What course will be pursued toward Fort Pickens, and the other forts on the gulf, is not so well understood. It is to be greatly desired that all of them should be surrendered. Our object is peace, not only with the North, but with the world. All matters relating to the public property, public liabilities of the Union when we were members of it, we are ready and willing to adjust and settle upon the principles of right, equity, and good faith. War can be of no more benefit to the North than to us. Whether the intention of evacuating Fort Sumter is to be received as an evidence of a desire for a peaceful solution of our difficulties with the United States, or the result of necessity, I will not undertake to say. I would feign hope the former. Rumors are afloat, however, that it is the result of necessity. All I can say to you, therefore, on that point is, keep your armor bright and your powder dry."
    1
  462. 1
  463. 1
  464. 1
  465. 1
  466.  @jjstak98h  "The south wanted to keep slaves. The south seceded to keep slavery." Yes, the South definitely wanted to keep slaves, but what do you mean when you say the South "seceded to keep slavery"? I think that could only make sense if you're implying that the South needed to secede to keep slavery, but what was going to stop them from keeping slavery if they hadn't seceded? That's the inexplicable Righteous Cause Myth. "Many men have many theories about the struggle that went on from 1861 to 1865. Some say it had for its purpose the abolition of slavery. President Lincoln did not so consider it. There were those in the South who would have been willing to wage war for its continuation, but I very much doubt if the South as a whole could have been persuaded to take up arms for that purpose. There were those in the North who would have been willing to wage war for its abolition, but the North as a whole could not have been persuaded to take up arms for that purpose. President Lincoln made it perfectly clear that his effort was to save the Union, with slavery if he could save it that way; without slavery if he could save it that way. But he would save the Union. The South stood for the principle of the sovereignty of the States. The North stood for the principle of the supremacy of the Union." President Calvin Coolidge But whether the South "could have been persuaded to take up arms for that purpose [the continuation of slavery]" the simple fact remains that whether they would have can only be asked as a hypothetical, because the South wasn't in fact faced with that challenge. You can't fight to keep what the person you're fighting against is willing to let you keep and isn't trying to take from you. The Republican-led North was entirely willing to concede the right of the southern states to continue practicing slavery. It's right there in their 1860 platform. They repeatedly and categorically denied any intention of interfering with the right of the southern states to practice slavery. And there was no constitutionally legitimate way for the North to have denied that legal right even if they had wanted to.
    1
  467. 1
  468. 1
  469. 1
  470.  @TheStapleGunKid  "'constitutionally unlimited federal government' that Lincoln never mentioned" No, of course, he didn't use those words. As Thomas Jefferson said, "the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made it’s discretion, & not the constitution the measure of it’s powers," and that's exactly what Lincoln said in the very first sentence of the preliminary emancipation proclamation that he was fighting for, constitutionally unlimited federal government. "the Confederate states did reject compensated emancipation in their rejection of the emancipation proclamation" If they had first forfeited their independence, forfeited the right to self-government, forfeited government based on the consent of the governed, and forfeited any meaningful constitutional limits on the federal government, then, yes, there would have been an offer to "voluntarily" negotiate a compensated emancipation, which is to say there was an offer to let them keep their slaves, too. And that's what the emancipation proclamation was: an offer by Lincoln to let the southern states keep their slaves on the condition of forfeiting their independence, etc., which of course they refused. "to save it from Lincoln's plan to place it "in course of ultimate extinction"" And what was that plan? Prohibiting it in the territories (according to you, conditioned on the 7-2 majority of the Supreme Court that had just denied that the federal government had any such authority all of a sudden abandoning that position and letting what they had just said was unconstitutional slide)? As if the War of Northern Aggression hadn't been a war against independence but a war of the North trying to keep the southern states from taking control of the territories (not that the southern states didn't have as much right to the territories as any of the other states, but in any case, that's obviously not what the war was about. The war was obviously fought over the right of the southern states to secede, not over anything to do with the territories.)
    1
  471.  @TheStapleGunKid  "No, it was a proclamation that any states still in rebellion at the start of 1863 would lose thier slaves immediately" And it was announced ahead of time, which is to say it a proclamation that any states which forfeited their right to self-government and submitted to rule by a constitutionally unlimited federal government wouldn't lose their slaves, i.e. an offer by Lincoln to let the southern states keep their slaves on the condition of forfeiting their independence, etc. "he didn't mention anything about..." Like I already said, no, of course, he didn't use those words, but that is exactly what he said. "They had seceded in response to Lincoln's plan to place slavery in course of ultimate extinction" Yes, I'm sure they seceded in response to Lincoln's vague and dishonest propaganda phrase, uh huh, one which you depend on repeating rather than saying anything in plain English, because there's no case that can be made in plain English. "Nothing that had happened between 1861 and September 1862 had resolved the issues on slavery that caused thier secession." Secession resolved all the major issues relating to slavery in favor of the North: the southern states forfeited the right to have fugitive slaves delivered up from the North; the southern states forfeited the right to take slaves to US territories... proving that Republicans hadn't really been motivated by any real anti-slavery position to begin with. "Once again you are trying to seperate their desire for independence from the reason they wanted it. They wanted it to preserve slavery." And it's perfectly fair to separate a slave desire for self-government with his reason for wanting it. Self-government is an inalienable right, and it doesn't ultimately matter why anyone wants it. But, no, of course, they didn't want independence to "preserve" slavery against some inexplicable myth that you can only repeatedly summarize with vague propaganda phrases. "If the Confederate states thought the supreme court was on thier side, then they could have stayed in the Union and issued the challange to strike down the law, but they did not." Yes, they could have asked the Supreme Court to repeat what it had already said if their concern had fundamentally been with the territories, what you dishonestly call "expanding slavery," which they proved wasn't their fundamental concern by seceding and forfeiting their right to the territories. "The Civil War was a war of Southern aggression" Just like every independence war was a war of aggression by the people seeking independence against the people seeking to subjugate them, right?
    1
  472.  @TheStapleGunKid  "Lincoln simply gave the time it would go into effect, and stated that states which ended their rebellion before then could get federal compensation to end slavery." And the key word that you misleadingly left out was "voluntarily." There wasn't any offer of compensation, only an offer of an offer, and that was an offer of a completely unspecified offer which Lincoln would have had no obligation to make generous and the southern states would have had no obligation to accept or compromise on even if it had been a generous offer. As the London Spectator said about the emancipation proclamation at the time: "The Union government liberates the enemy’s slaves as it would the enemy’s cattle, simply to weaken them in the conflict. The principle is not that a human being cannot justly own another, but that he cannot own him unless he is loyal to the United States." Precisely as I said above, it was a proclamation that any states which forfeited their right to self-government and submitted to rule by a constitutionally unlimited federal government wouldn't lose their slaves, i.e. an offer by Lincoln to let the southern states keep their slaves on the condition of forfeiting their independence, etc. "But it's not what he said." Not if you count a fox guarding the henhouse as the henhouse being guarded. Otherwise, yes, he was demanding submission to a constitutionally unlimited federal government. "Yet you're still convinced you know the Confederate cause better than they do." First of all, grievances aren't a cause. What do you think the American cause was in 1776? Was it defined by America's list of grievances with England? Secondly, the right of people to alter or abolish their government and institute a new one that seems to them more likely to effect their safety and happiness is an inalienable right, which means, in part, that no cause can negate that right, just like a slave's right to freedom can't be negated, no matter what a slave's cause may be in seeking freedom. Thirdly, I believe the Confederate cause in the war was precisely what Alexander Stephens, for example, said it was when he said, "the struggle is continued, as it was begun, for the maintenance of constitutional liberty." Likewise, I agree fully with the sentiments expressed in August of 1864 (I think in the Richmond Examiner): "The sentiment [that “We are not fighting for slavery; we are fighting for independence"] is true, and should be publicly uttered and kept conspicuously in view; because our enemies have diligently labored to make all mankind believe that the people of these States have set up a pretended State sovereignty, and based themselves upon that ostensibly, while their real object has been only to preserve to themselves the property in so many negroes, worth so many millions of dollars. The direct reverse is the truth. ...the cause of the war, the whole cause, on our part, is the maintenance of the sovereign independence of these States.… "The whole cause of our resistance was and is, the pretension and full determination of the Northern States to use their preponderance in the Federal representation, in order to govern the Southern States for their profit. ...neither tariffs nor slavery, nor both together, could ever have been truly called the cause of the secession and the war. We refuse to accept for a cause any thing… than that truly announced, namely, the sovereign independence of our States. This, indeed, includes both those minor questions, as well as many others yet graver and higher. It includes full power to regulate our trade for our own profit, and also complete jurisdiction over our own social and domestic institutions; but it further involves all the nobler attributes of national, and even of individual life and character. A community which once submits to be schooled, dictated to, legislated for, by any other, soon grows poor in spirit;… its citizens, become a kind of half-men, [and] feel that they have hardly a right to walk in the sun.… "The people of Virginia do not choose to accept that position for themselves and for their children. ... They own a noble country, which their fathers created, exalted, and transmitted to them.… That inheritance we intend to own while we live, and leave intact to those who are to come after us.… "It is right to let foreign nations, and “those whom it may concern,” understand this theory of our independence. Let them understand that, though we are “not fighting for slavery,” we will not allow ourselves to be dictated to in regard to slavery or any other of our internal affairs, not because that would diminish our interest in any property, but because it touches our independence." Are you convinced you know the Confederate cause better than they do? "No it [secession] resolved all the major issues [relating to slavery] in favor of the South. It removed them from all political opposition from the free states, it enabled them to expand slavery to any new territory they could get ahold of, and it provided much better means for preventing the escape of slaves" 1. "Political opposition" isn't an issue. There can be political opposition on issues, but political opposition isn't an issue. That's just nonsense. 2. The 1854 Kansas-Nebraska Act had already given slaveholders the right to take slaves into the territories, and a 7-2 majority of the Supreme Court had already declared in 1859 that the federal government had no constitutional authority to withhold that right. Whether Republicans would have succeeded in defeating the existing law and Supreme Court opinion can be debated, but there was certainly a political fight to be made if the slave states had wanted to make it, but rather than trying to defend the right they already had to take slaves to the territories, they seceded. It's absurd to paint that move as enabling them to take their slaves to new territories. 3. The dispute between the North and South had not been over "preventing the escape of slaves" from the South. The dispute had been over slaves that had escaped to northern states not being delivered up. Even Lincoln acknowledged that the issue would "be worse" for the slave states in the case of "separation," because fugitive slaves in the case of separation "would not be surrendered at all". "one that was started by the rebels themselves, is not like 'every independence war'" The question was how it was different with respect to aggression. You absurdly claim that the people seeking independence were the aggressors against the people seeking to subjugate them, but you won't even pretend that that could be the case in any other example, which is to say you recognize that the principle of your own argument is absurd: seeking independence isn't aggression; subjugating people is.
    1
  473. 1
  474. 1
  475. 1
  476. 1
  477. 1
  478. 1
  479. 1
  480. 1
  481. 1
  482. 1
  483. 1
  484. 1
  485.  @prestonbeaulieu4379  Even if the North had had the votes to amend the constitution to abolish slavery and had been trying to do so, and even if secession had been illegal according to the constitution, the southern states still would have had every right to self-government according to the same inalienable rights by which American independence was claimed and established. But, of course, the Republican-led North didn't have anywhere close to the votes, made a point of declaring that it didn't even want to abolish slavery in the South (but rather wanted to let the southern states choose for themselves), and secession wasn't illegal according to the constitution. So how then could the war have been fought over slavery? What slavery-related demands did either side make of the other? What could either side have conceded with regards to slavery that would have appeased the other side? Clearly the answer is nothing. So the claim that the war was fought over slavery is clearly just nonsense propaganda. Likewise, what did seceding offer to "preserve" slavery from? Did the southern states want to continue practicing slavery? Certainly (as did Americans in 1776). But to say they seceded in order to "preserve" slavery implies the lie that there was something about remaining in the union that would have prevented them from continuing to practice slavery which seceding offered to avoid or protect against. But that's just an historically baseless nonsense myth. But these historical lies are propagated to try to continue justifying the system of government that replaced the system of government that was destroyed in the war, government based on the consent of the governed (at least the "governed" that were counted as citizens.) And that's not a "fringe belief" even today. Quite recently the US went to war to defend the right of Kosovo to secede from Serbia. The UK recognizes the right of Scotland to secede if its people should choose to do so. The EU recognizes the right of secession. Sure, there are still plenty of people wanting to subjugate other people, too, but government based on the consent of the governed is far from dead, and fear and hatred of that idea is why people are continuing to tell lies about the 19th century rather than defend government by subjugation directly.
    1
  486. 1
  487. 1
  488. 1
  489. 1
  490. 1
  491.  @TheStapleGunKid  Given that no one was denying the southern rights to continue practicing slavery and given that the seceding states weren't trying to expand anything or anywhere, that's proof that wasn't what the war wasn't about slavery. The abolitionist Joshua Blanchard wrote in the March 1861 issue of The Liberator that forcible reunion would mean “the entire subjugation of one of the parties, maintained by a perpetual occupation of military force, military tyranny over all the states, abandonment of our claim to be a government of the people.... The doctrine that the prerogatives of government are more sacred and inviolable than the rights, liberties, and welfare and even lives of individual men, is now openly maintained by the advocates of an enforced union, in direction opposition to the principle of popular sovereignty.... The success of this compulsory measure, establishing the character of our national government as one maintained by coercion, and not by consent, would be an awful apostacy, a retrogression into the barbarous maxims of European domination, cemented in blood; an utter failure of the first magnificent experiment of popular government, the the exultation of tyrants, the disgrace of our land, the despair of all the friends of freedom in the world. “...But the harmonious union of the people of this nation, on the principle of general consent, can never be maintained where the sentiments of the two great sections of it are at such irreconcilable variance on the vital question of the right to slavery... The only plan, then, for national reputation, for safety, for justice, and even for humanity, is to give each section an independent government, confirmed to its own ideas of right – that is, peaceable separation from each other.”
    1
  492. 1
  493.  @TheStapleGunKid  Of course, Southerners, when they were part of the union, wanted to not only be able to access the territories but take their property with them, including slaves, and the Supreme Court ruled before secession that the US constitution protected the right of slave owners to take their slaves (as with any other property that was legal under the constitution, which slavery at the time was) to the territories, so Lincoln was promising to subvert that constitutional right which the Supreme Court had already upheld. You can disagree with the Supreme Court, but then you need to explain how constitutional disputes should ultimately be resolved if you don't recognize either the Supreme Court or the states as the ultimate arbiters of constitutional disputes. It's worth noting, too, that most abolitionists also recognized how much the constitution protected slavery, and they strongly favored secession (disunion was the term they most commonly used) as the answer to shedding the northern states' constitutional obligations regarding slavery. So even abolitionists mostly agreed with slave owners on the constitutional questions. What recourse do you think states should have if they believe other states have decided to simply trash the constitution? I can only think of two answers. I think if states don't want to honor the terms of the constitution, then they should secede. If other states are simply going to dishonor their constitutional oaths (at least according to the allegations of the other states), then (1) the states on the losing end of that alleged constitutional abuse can implore them to honor their commitment and if those other states still don't act honorably (according to the states making the allegations), then the only choices left to them are to declare the contract broken and the union dissolved (at least between them and the offending states) or they could choose to let it slide and continue in union with the allegedly dishonorable states; or (2) the other position, which I wouldn't support at all, but it's the only other answer I've heard, is that the federal government could somehow force compliance on the allegedly dishonorable states, but even if you think the federal government should use force to settle constitutional disputes between states (contradicting the Madison quote I shared before), what recourse do you think states should have if the allegedly dishonorable states have enough power in DC to prevent force from being used against them (sufficient to satisfy the demands of the states alleging constitutional neglect)? What then? Do you think there should be no recourse for the states alleging their constitutional rights have been abused, unless they can get enough power in DC to be able to use force against the dishonorable states? But all of this is clearly irrelevant to what the war was about, because the war obviously wasn't about the seceding states fighting for their rights as part of the union. The seceding states wanted to secede, not claim any rights under the constitution or as part of the union. So it's ridiculous to claim the war was about slavery when you can't name anything about slavery (let alone any direct threat of abolition) that there was any hope of helping by seceding. You say without slavery there would have been no secession and no war, but that's silly, because slavery was a constant from before the 13 colonies seceded from England through the states joining the re-established union under the constitution until after the southern states seceded from the union. What changed obviously wasn't slavery. What changed was the northern states' willingness to use opposition to slavery as pretense for trashing the constitution. As you've recognized, there was no direct threat to slavery. There was a direct threat to the integrity of the constitution.
    1
  494. 1
  495. 1
  496. 1
  497.  @TheStapleGunKid  No, maybe you've forgotten, but I don't think the Supreme Court has any legitimate claim to being the ultimate arbiter of constitutional disputes between states or between the states and the federal government. I believe, as Thomas Jefferson said, "that the several states composing the US. of America are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their general government; but that, by a compact under the style & title of a Constitution for the US. and of Amendments thereto, they constituted a general government for special purposes, delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each state to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the General government assumes undelegated powers, it’s acts are unauthoritative, void, & of no force. that to this compact each state acceded as a state, and is an integral party, it’s co-states forming, as to itself, the other party. that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made it’s discretion, & not the constitution the measure of it’s powers: but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode & measure of redress." You, on the other hand, simply avoid the question. You deny what Thomas Jefferson said. You deny the Supreme Court. The only standard you recognize is might makes right, except when you don't like it, which, of course, is no standard at all.
    1
  498. 1
  499. 1
  500. 1
  501. 1
  502. 1
  503. 1
  504. 1
  505. 1
  506. 1
  507. 1
  508. 1
  509. 1
  510. 1
  511. 1
  512. 1
  513. 1
  514. 1
  515.  @TheStapleGunKid  It's nonsense to describe Texas winning a Supreme Court case as the "rebels lost the legal war for their cause," and if you insist otherwise you're either trolling or too mentally messed up to be worth talking to (and, of course, trolls aren't worth talking to either.) You double standard -- and this ought to be obvious from what I already said -- doesn't consist in the specifics of what anyone did but rather in the process you suggest should be used to resolve constitutional disputes. You're fine with Lincoln and the Republicans doing what the Supreme Court had already clearly ruled was unconstitutional and then waiting to see if the Court can try to stop them (all in the midst of an unconstitutional war and with people that might have argued the point being thrown in jail without access to the courts.) In other words, you're fine with Lincoln and the Republicans acting FIRST and leaving the constitutional questions for the courts to resolve after the fact (even though they had already ruled on them.) But in the case of secession, you condemn the southern states for seceding before going to the courts and say that a case that Texas won years later proves that Texas (and the other southern states) were wrong. Again, you're either trolling or too mentally messed up to be worth talking to. And then you act like opening fire on a foreign ship in a country's territorial waters that refuses to turn around should require a declaration of war. You obviously have no honest case to make.
    1
  516. 1
  517.  @TheStapleGunKid  According to the legal ideas that Jefferson asserted in the Kentucky Resolutions (which I believe), it doesn't matter what the Supreme Court said, and according to what you've said, constitutionality is only a concern once the Supreme Court has ruled on a question (even if they've explicitly declared that thing unconstitutional in a previous dispute), so the seceding states acted within their constitutional limits by either of our standards (excepting your double standards.) In any case, anything the Supreme Court said about secession in Texas v. White certainly wouldn't be binding on any state that wanted to secede today 150+/- years later if the Republicans were acting within their constitutional authority when they did what the Supreme Court had explicitly and unmistakably ruled unconstitutional just 3-4 years prior. “When a government becomes so corrupt as to forfeit the respect and support of the citizens in whose name it is exercised, and for whose protection and benefit it professes to act, it is very apt to resent disloyalty with the charge of treason and rebellion. … “The secession of South Carolina has been called in Congress 'a revolt,' and 'rebellion.' But this charge could come only from a total misapprehension of the nature and object of free government. Revolt is resistance to the supreme authority. But the true idea of free government is, that the people themselves are this supreme authority. How, then, can a whole united people be chargeable with this crime? Can they 'revolt' against themselves? The idea is absurd.” George Bassett Of course, the whole basis of your opposition to the South is your fundamental disdain for the idea of free government, so it makes sense that you would categorize free government as "insurrection." As Bassett said, "The most arrogant pretensions of ancient royalty, are not more preposterous."
    1
  518. 1
  519. 1
  520. 1
  521. 1
  522.  @TheStapleGunKid  "Again, your position assumes some sort of 'right of states to secede today for whatever reasons states might want to secede'. But this is a position so ridiculous that even the Confederates didn't believe it." What evidence do you have of that? And before you go off on some stupid irrelevant tangent, the question is about the "right of STATES to secede," not parts of states, which is another question. Personally, I think the principle ought to apply as much to parts of states as to states, but plenty of people in American history have defended one but not the other. If you're arguing that they were inconsistent to defend principles on behalf of states but not parts of states, then I agree as to the principle (even if perhaps not with regards to specific examples in history.) But the point I was making was about the right of STATES to secede for whatever reasons they might want to. Can you actually address that specific question? Is there any basis for your claim that Confederates didn't believe in the right of states to secede for whatever reasons states might want to secede (which is what you said)? Can you defend what you actually said about STATES? "Preserving and expanding slavery is a bad reason. It's not the only possible bad reason. But it certainly is a bad one." Yes, hypothetically that would be a bad reason, but first of all, that wasn't the reason any of the Confederate states seceded. The Confederate states had made no attempt or demands to expand anywhere when the war started. Had some Southerners advocated expansion? Sure, but so did Northerners both before and after slavery. Trump was talking about buying Greenland from Denmark just a few years ago. Does that justify any hypothetical war in your view? Are you really arguing that the possibility that the Confederacy might have expanded its territory in the future (even peaceably, as with the Louisiana or Alaska purchases) justified a war against it? And as for your claim that the Confederate states seceded to "preserve" slavery, I understand your argument, based on what you've said before, to be that the threat to the "preservation" of slavery that they seceded to protect against was the threat that not expanding posed to the continuation of slavery, so I think you therefore agree that your "preserve" claim rests on your "expand" argument, which is to say if your "expand" argument falls, so does your "preserve" argument. But if there's an independent foundation for your "preserve" argument, we can discuss that separate would-be BS of yours, too (although my understanding is that you're not claiming a separate foundation.) But secondly, and the point I'd be more interested in hearing what you'd have to say about, what do you think it matters if reasons for seceding are good or bad? You're not suggesting that we should deny peoples their rights (either natural, inalienable rights or legal/constitutional rights) if their reasons for exercising them are bad, are you? I think the right to free speech, if it means anything at all, has to apply to the person who wants to say something stupid and evil as much as to the person that wants to use his right to free speech for good reasons. And I would apply the same principle to secession. It definitely seems like we disagree about whether particular rights exist at all, but to the extent they do, you're not suggesting that the right to exercise them should be limited by whether people judge them good or bad, are you? "But whether or not secession happens for good reasons or bad reasons, I agree with James Madison that even under the most justified of circumstances, unilateral secession without any form of national agreement is 'another name only for revolution.'" There are plenty of positions that Madison took that I wouldn't defend (and I don't think he was very consistent, so I think he may very well have contradicted both of us and himself), but I don't believe Madison said anything about "any form of national agreement" about secession, not in those words that you used, nor in any other words. If there's any basis for reading that into what Madison did say, as you did in your comment, you'll have to show me what that is. Nothing like those words are in his letter to Webster where he said the other words of his that you quoted. Regardless, Madison also said, "It appears to your committee to be a plain principle, founded in common sense, illustrated by common practice, and essential to the nature compacts, that, where resort can be had to no tribunal superior to the authority of the parties, the parties themselves must be the rightful judges, in the last resort, whether the bargain made has been pursued or violated. The Constitution of the United States was formed by the sanction of the states, given by each in its sovereign capacity. It adds to the stability and dignity, as well as to the authority, of the Constitution, that it rests on this legitimate and solid foundation. The states, then, being the parties to the constitutional compact, and in their sovereign capacity, it follows of necessity that there can be no tribunal, above their authority, to decide, in the last resort, whether the compact made by them be violated; and consequently, that, as the parties to it, they must themselves decide, in the last resort, such questions as may be of sufficient magnitude to require their interposition." So Madison's answer to the question of who should have the ultimate authority to judge whether a cause of secession is justified or not is clearly the individual state, right? In other words, Madison clearly recognized the ultimate sovereignty of states in these questions to act without any necessary requirement of "national agreement," as you said, right? And that's precisely what Madison did when he helped draft, signed, and pushed for the ratification of the constitution. He didn't allege any sort of "intolerable oppression" (as he spoke of in his letter to Webster) when he supported the right of 9 of the 13 states to form a government without the consent of the other 4, even though they had bound themselves in a "perpetual union" under the Articles that required unanimity for any amendments. So he obviously (at least at that point) supported the right of states to leave an existing union on their own authority simply for the sake of establishing a government they thought would serve their needs better, even apart from any allegations of oppression or any allegations of violations by the other parties of the existing compact.
    1
  523.  @jxc1640  What's most telling about the declarations of causes of secession is that nowhere in them is any hint of the northern states forcing an abolition amendment on the slave states. So what do you think the declarations prove? They completely contradict the Righteous Cause Myth that the northern states were going to use their victory in the 1860 election to abolish slavery according to the rule of law. There was no constitutionally legitimate threat of the slave states losing their right to practice slavery. As for Stephens and racial inequality, first a quote from Stephens' March 1961 speech, then a quote from Lincoln: "...notwithstanding their professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slave." Lincoln: "I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races …there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races from living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be a position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race."
    1
  524. 1
  525. 1
  526.  @jaranarm  "Dictatorship that allows no opposition"? What are you talking about? What opposition newspaper was ever shut down by the Confederate government? What elected congressman was ever deported from the Confederacy? What representative was ever imprisoned for his political speech? If you cared about historical facts, you could consider the reasons the Cherokee people gave for joining the Confederacy on Oct 28, 1861, "Throughout the Confederate States we saw this great revolution effected without violence or the suspension of the laws or the closing of the courts. The military power was nowhere placed above the civil authorities. None were seized and imprisoned at the mandate of arbitrary power... "But in the Northern States the Cherokee people saw with alarm a violated Constitution, all civil liberty put in peril, and all the rules of civilized warfare and the dictates of common humanity and decency unhesitatingly disregarded. In States which still adhered to the Union a military despotism has displaced the civil power and the laws became silent amid arms. Free speech and almost free thought became a crime. "The right to the writ of habeas corpus, guaranteed by the Constitution, disappeared at the nod of a Secretary of State or a general of the lowest grade. The mandate of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court was set at naught by the military power, and this outrage on common right approved by a President sworn to support the Constitution. War on the largest scale was waged, and the immense bodies of troops called into the field in the absence of any law warranting it under the pretense of suppressing unlawful combination of men. The humanities of war, which even barbarians respect, were no longer thought worthy to be observed. "Foreign mercenaries and the scum of cities and the inmates of prisons were enlisted and organized into regiments and brigades and sent into Southern States to aid in subjugating a people struggling for freedom, to burn, to plunder, and to commit the basest of outrages on women; while the heels of armed tyranny trod upon the necks of Maryland and Missouri, and men of the highest character and position were incarcerated upon suspicion and without process of law in jails, in forts, and in prison-ships, and even women were imprisoned by the arbitrary order of a President and Cabinet ministers; while the press ceased to be free, the publication of newspapers was suspended and their issues seized and destroyed..."
    1
  527. 1
  528. 1
  529. 1
  530. 1
  531. 1
  532. 1
  533. 1
  534. 1
  535. 1
  536. 1
  537. 1
  538. 1
  539. 1
  540. 1
  541. 1
  542. 1
  543. 1
  544. 1
  545. 1
  546. 1
  547. 1
  548. 1
  549. 1
  550. 1
  551. 1
  552. 1
  553. 1
  554.  @TheStapleGunKid  No one debunks what I've said, yourself included. They just throw out ad hominem arguments in defense of the indefensible. Charles Dickens told readers of his monthly magazine in 1862: “The Northern onslaught upon slavery was no more than a piece of specious humbug designed to conceal its desire for economic control of the Southern states.” John Stuart Mill, hoped the war would be against slavery and was disappointed. “The North, it seems,” Mill wrote, “have no more objections to slavery than the South have.” War time Governor Joel Parker of New Jersey: “Slavery is no more the cause of this war than gold is the cause of robbery,” he said. "The contest is really for empire on the side of the North, and for independence on that of the South, and in this respect we recognize an exact analogy between the North and the Government of George III, and the South and the Thirteen Revolted Provinces." ---The London Times, November 7, 1861 “If Northerners... had peaceably allowed the seceders to depart, the result might fairly have been quoted as illustrating the advantages of Democracy; but when Republicans put empire above liberty, and resorted to political oppression and war rather than suffer any abatement of national power, it was clear that nature at Washington was precisely the same as nature at St. Petersburg... Democracy broke down, not when the Union ceased to be agreeable to all its constituent States, but when it was upheld, like any other Empire, by force of arms.” London Times, September 13, 1862 "Many men have many theories about the struggle that went on from 1861 to 1865. Some say it had for its purpose the abolition of slavery. President Lincoln did not so consider it. There were those in the South who would have been willing to wage war for its continuation, but I very much doubt if the South as a whole could have been persuaded to take up arms for that purpose. There were those in the North who would have been willing to wage war for its abolition, but the North as a whole could not have been persuaded to take up arms for that purpose. President Lincoln made it perfectly clear that his effort was to save the Union, with slavery if he could save it that way; without slavery if he could save it that way. But he would save the Union. The South stood for the principle of the sovereignty of the States. The North stood for the principle of the supremacy of the Union." President Calvin Coolidge "Do we not all know that the cause of our casualties is the vicious intermeddling of too many of the citizens of the Northern States with the constitutional rights of the Southern States, cooperating with the discontents of the people of those states? Do we not know that the disregard of the Constitution, and of the security that it affords to the rights of States and of individuals, has been the cause of the calamity which our country is called to undergo?” -President Franklin Pierce “It was necessary to put the South at a moral disadvantage by transforming the contest from a war waged against states fighting for their independence into a war waged against states fighting for the maintenance and extension of slavery…and the world, it might be hoped, would see it as a moral war, not a political; and the sympathy of nations would begin to run for the North, not for the South.” President Woodrow Wilson “The war... has tended, more than any other event in the history of the country to militate against the Jeffersonian idea, that 'the best government is that which governs least.' The war has not only, of necessity, given more power to, but has led to a more intimate prevision of the government over every material interest of society.” Republican Governor Richard Yates of Illinois, 1865 Abolitionist Joshua Blanchard: “It seems so clear that slavery in the South could not long exist when deprived of the support of the North, that we are surprised that this evident consequence is so overlooked or disregarded... It is plain, then, that this war is not an anti-slavery, but a pro-slavery war.” Abolitionist George Bassett: “Such is the deranged and distracted condition of the political elements of our country at the present time, that, while the South are bravely fighting the great battle of national liberty in the name of slavery, the North are maintaining the principles of oriental despotism in the name of Liberty! ... I will not say the governing class of the slave States, by the summary repeal of all civil justice, in the enslavement of the poor, have not justly forfeited their sovereignty; but not to a confederacy which is equally guilty with themselves. I will not say that the civilized world should not unite to wipe out chattel slavery, as too inhuman to be tolerated; that they should not unitedly proscribe it, as they do the African slave trade, and inaugurate true popular supremacy in its place. But this is not the question between the United States and South Carolina. With us it is not a question of philanthropy, but of aggrandizement.” Chinese premier Zhu Rongii told President Clinton in 1999 regarding Taiwan, “Abraham Lincoln, in order to maintain the unity of the United States and oppose the independence of the southern part, resorted to the use of force and fought a war for that, for maintaining the unity of the United States...so, I think Abraham Lincoln, president, is a model, is an example." “The Union was formed by the voluntary agreement of the States, and in uniting together, they have not forfeited their Nationality, nor have they been reduced to the condition of one and the same people. If one of the States chose to withdraw its name from the contract, it would be difficult to disprove its right of doing so…” -– Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy In America “The American people, North and South, went into the War as citizens of their respective states, they came out as subjects … What they lost they have never gotten back.” -– H.L. Mencken NY in ratifying the Constitution said, “the powers of government may be reassumed by the people, whensoever it shall become necessary to their happiness.” "The state is indeed divine, as being the great incarnation of a nation’s rights, privileges, honor, and life." ~ Unitarian Minister Henry Bellows (1866), on the meaning of the North’s victory Massachusetts abolitionist Lysander Spooner: "All these cries of having 'abolished slavery,' ... of having 'preserved the union,' ... are all gross, shameless, transparent cheats – so transparent that they ought to deceive no one – when uttered as justifications for the war, or for the government that has succeeded the war..." And I'll throw in one Southerner: “However true, therefore, it may be, that the judicial department is, in all questions submitted to it by the forms of the Constitution, to decide in the last resort, this resort must necessarily be deemed the last in relation to the authorities of the other departments of the government; not in relation to the rights of the parties to the constitutional compact, from which the judicial, as well as the other departments, hold their delegated trusts. On any other hypothesis, the delegation of judicial power would annul the authority delegating it; and the concurrence of this department with the others in usurped powers, might subvert forever, and beyond the possible reach of any rightful remedy, the very Constitution which all were instituted to preserve.” James Madison
    1
  555. 1
  556. 1
  557. 1
  558. 1
  559. > no state in the Confederacy was allowed to secede from the Confederacy Alexander Stephens: "Ours is a government founded upon the consent of sovereign States, and will be itself destroyed by the very act whenever it attempts to maintain or perpetuate its existence by force over its respective members. The surest way to check any inclination in North Carolina to quit our sisterhood, if any such really exist even to the most limited extent among her people, is to show them that the struggle is continued, as it was begun, for the maintenance of constitutional liberty. If, with this great truth ever before them, a majority of her people should prefer despotism to liberty, I would say to her, as to a wayward sister, 'depart in peace.'" Jefferson Davis: "The experiment instituted by our revolutionary fathers, of a voluntary Union of sovereign States for purposes specified in a solemn compact, had been perverted by those who, feeling power and forgetting right, were determined to respect no law but their own will... "...never was there a people whose interests and principles committed them so fully to a peaceful policy as those of the Confederate States. By the character of their productions they are too deeply interested in foreign commerce wantonly to disturb it. War of conquest they cannot wage, because the Constitution of their Confederacy admits of no coerced association. Civil war there cannot be between States held together by their volition only. The rule of voluntary association..."
    1
  560. 1
  561. 1
  562. 1
  563. 1
  564. 1
  565. 1
  566. 1
  567. 1
  568. 1
  569. 1
  570. 1
  571. 1
  572. 1
  573. 1
  574.  @TheStapleGunKid  "But not what the South was fighting for. The South was fighting for slavery, which made slavery the cause of the war." The South was fighting for the mirror image of what the North was fighting for. The South was fighting for "the constitutional liberty of a free government," just as Jefferson Davis said at the start of the war, and the North was fighting to destroy the constitutional liberty of free government. And what war isn't like that (that what one side is fighting for isn't the mirror image of what the other side is fighting for)? In any case, the War of Northern Aggression was. But even if the South had been fighting for something other than what the North was fighting against, how do you figure that what one side was fighting for is what the war was all about and what the other said was fighting for is completely irrelevant to what the war was about? That's double nonsense. "Even an anti-Union abolitionist like Lysander Spooner understood the South fought the war for slavery." I know you've quoted Spooner saying something that you've used to make that argument. If you think it holds water, let's see it again. In any case, Spooner made it very clear that nothing about slavery provided any justification for the war, that those arguments were false pretenses seized upon after the fact to try to cover up what the war really was about. If you (or anyone else) need me to quote you what he said to that effect, I certainly can, but I assume you're well aware of those facts. "You just defended your claim about abolitionists by saying it "doesn't mean every abolitionist without exception". But you won't apply the same standard to what I said about the South." The only abolitionist you pointed to as any evidence to the contrary was advocating for disunion with the slave states even after the first southern states seceded. Obviously, there would have been no war if the North had taken that abolitionist position at that time. So even Garrison proves the point I made that even northern abolitionists denied the war was about slavery in 1861, at least the extent that the war followed from and its causes are inseparable from the war, as you've been repeatedly trying to argue lately. But as to your "double standard" foolishness are you really so stupid as to see no difference between saying that even Russians have taken Ukraine's side on fill-in-the-blank point and saying that that Russia has taken Ukraine's side on that point? How can you be so stupid? Are you a public school teacher?
    1
  575. 1
  576. 1
  577. 1
  578. 1
  579. 1
  580. 1
  581. 1
  582. 1
  583. 1
  584.  @Rundstedt1  As for a majority of abolitionists advocating secession (what they called disunion), one thing you could look up is an article from a few years ago by the Boston Globe titled "When the North Almost Seceded." The title is misleading, because real abolitionists were much too fringe to effect political changes of any magnitude, but the article does show where real abolitionists were at just a few years before the war. Another similar gathering of the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1844 passed a resolution by a large margin calling for the secession of the free states from the union. Wendell Phillips said in defense of that resolution: "[T]he only exodus of the slave to freedom, unless it be one of blood, must be over the ruins of the present American Church and the grave of the present Union…[T]he abolitionists of this country should make it one of the primary objects of their agitation, to dissolve the American Union….[S]ecession from the present United States Government is the duty of every abolitionist; since no one can take office, or throw a vote for another to hold office, under the U.S. Constitution, without violating his anti-slavery principles, and rendering himself an abettor of the slaveholder in his sin." And here are a couple quotes from a couple more of the most famous abolitionists: William Lloyd Garrison said that a primary goal of abolitionists should be "To persuade Northern voters, that the strongest political influence which they can wield for the overthrow of slavery, is, to cease sustaining the existing compact, by withdrawing from the polls, and calmly waiting for the time when a righteous government shall supersede the institutions of tyranny. To endeavor to effect, by all just and peaceful means, such a change in the public sentiment of the North as shall convince the South that nothing but the immediate abolition of slavery can make us a united people." Lysander Spooner from after the war: "Their pretenses that they have “Saved the Country,” and “Preserved our Glorious Union,” are frauds like all the rest of their pretenses. By them they mean simply that they have subjugated, and maintained their power over, an unwilling people. This they call “Saving the Country”; as if an enslaved and subjugated people – or as if any people kept in subjection by the sword (as it is intended that all of us shall be hereafter) – could be said to have any country. This, too, they call “Preserving our Glorious Union”; as if there could be said to be any Union, glorious or inglorious, that was not voluntary. Or as if there could be said to be any union between masters and slaves; between those who conquer, and those who are subjugated. All these cries of having “abolished slavery,” of having “saved the country,” of having “preserved the union,” of establishing “a government of consent,” and of “maintaining the national honor,” are all gross, shameless, transparent cheats – so transparent that they ought to deceive no one – when uttered as justifications for the war, or for the government that has succeeded the war... or for compelling anybody to support a government that he does not want."
    1
  585. 1
  586. 1
  587.  @Rundstedt1  Plenty of truth in that Foner quote. Bassett, the abolitionist, fleshes out some of those same ideas even better: “Strictly speaking, government has no rights. It has duties to perform simply. Its whole object is to protect men in their rights. … And surely it is equally absurd and improper for the people of one section of the country to advance a claim of right to the political allegiance of those of another section. The most arrogant pretensions of ancient royalty, are not more preposterous.” “...the doctrine of coercion... is the destruction of the government, because it is a political revolution. It is a change of the whole spirit of the government, from a confederacy of sovereign States, held together by mutual interest and common attachment, to a consolidated empire, bound together by military force. “It is also, to some extent, an efficient cause of the present dissolution of the Union. It is the belligerent doctrines and attitude of the dominant politicians of the North, which have precipitated this movement of secession. If the right of secession had been conceded at the first, the movement would have been deprived of its essential vigor and intenseness. The people, feeling that they had a conceded right to secede at will, would naturally have delayed an act so fearfully pregnant with possible evils. … Nor could so many States have been induced to follow the momentous experiment in such hasty succession. It is very doubtful if the movement could have been effected at all, if the right to make it had not been denied.” -Bassett “It is constantly said, particularly by speakers in Congress, that if our government cannot prevent a State from seceding at will, it is no government at all. But it is forgotten, that the true glory of our government—the queen beauty of our system is, that it ceases with the will of the people. Its true strength lies not in navies and battalions, but in the affections of the people. Numbers in our midst –editors and members of Congress, are vainly boasting that we propose to show the world that we have a government that is strong enough to meet the exigency and to suppress rebellion. But they fail entirely to apprehend and appreciate the true theory of the American system. Their is the old European, and not the American, idea of government. Gov. Seward well remarked in his festival speech in New York, that 'you cannot force fraternity.' Would that this better impulse of his heart and judgment had not been apparently disturbed in his last speech in the United States Senate! “The true strength of a free government—and they are the strongest of all, is in the devoted attachment of its citizen sovereigns. Let this be forfeited, and the government falls. “A government which is strong by the exercise of military power over its own citizens, is not a free government, but a despotism. “Instead of the peaceful separation of these States being a disgrace to our government in the eyes of the world, it will constitute in all coming time its truest glory, and will demonstrate the infinite superiority of the voluntary system of self-government over the despotic usurpations of the past.” -Bassett
    1
  588. 1
  589. 1
  590. 1
  591. 1
  592. 1
  593.  @TheStapleGunKid  "Tariffs applied to the entire nation, they were not 'Northern tariffs'" Tariffs, especially those which Republicans had campaigned on, were for protecting northern industry, so in that sense they were overwhelmingly "northern tariffs." As Georgia said in its declaration of causes of secession, "The material prosperity of the North was greatly dependent on the Federal Government; that of the South not at all." "Passing a tariff law through the legislative process is not 'abuse'." "[F]ostering one branch of industry to the prejudice of another under the exercise of the revenue power"; "giving advantage to one class of persons, in any trade or business, over those of another"; taking a power that the constitution gave Congress for the purpose of raising revenue and using it for "unequal and partial legislation" to "enrich" the North while "draining [the] substance" of the South is indeed abuse of powers. "Without slavery there would have been no secession." Without the northern states disregarding their constitutional obligations under the fugitive slave clause, without Republican stoking hatred of the southern states under shallow anti-slavery pretenses for the sake of advancing their crony capitalist agenda... there would have been no secession in 1860-61. But "slavery" wasn't the cause of secession even then. Specific northern (particularly Republican) policies were the issue. But the reason we're continuing to debate this 150+ years later is because I would like to live in a union based on the consent of the governed and you want to maintain the despotism established by Republicans in the War of Northern Aggression. Obviously slavery isn't the question that divides people today. And if Republican violations of the constitution under shallow anti-slavery pretenses hadn't been the cause of secession, other issues would have brought the question to a head. The nullification crisis had come close to leading to violence between the federal government and the states earlier. Other issues would have followed. The federal government had been growing in power, and the number of people looking for an excuse to eliminate constitutional limits on their power had grown ready for a challenge. "It didn't happen simply because the South was unwilling would not accept emancipation in any form." It didn't happen because the South wouldn't forfeit its right to self-government. There was never a hint of an offer to facilitate emancipation apart from the South first forfeiting its independence. Emancipation obviously wasn't the sticking point. Self-government was. "there was no right for the Southern states to take over nearly half the country" For one thing there was the right on which the United States had been founded and the only right by which the United States government had any legitimacy, namely the right of people to declare their independence from the existing government and establish a new government according to whatever to them would seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. "The Union was formed by "we the people of the United states" and can only be unformed in the same way." No the union was not formed by "we the people." The union was formed long before the constitution. The government established by the constitution was formed by "we the people," at least in one sense, and it was formed with "unforming" the previous government according to the way it had been formed (by the unanimous consent of the states), so there's no reason to believe the government established by the constitution would need to be "unformed" according to the constitution either. (Not that the union was "unformed" by some states seceding any more than Brexit meant the "unforming"/dissolution of the EU.) "when their secession reached the Supreme Court" Not that the federal government can be the ultimate judge of its own powers, but no, no one ever took a case for the constitutional right of secession to the Supreme Court, and even if they had, all the Supreme Court could have said was whether they thought it was allowable under the constitution. But the process by which "we the people" established the constitution wasn't allowable under the Articles of Confederation, so the constitution implicitly recognized the right of the people to simply discard existing law, just as they had done in ratifying the constitution.
    1
  594. 1
  595. 1
  596. 1
  597. 1
  598. 1
  599. 1
  600. 1
  601. 1
  602. 1
  603. 1
  604. 1
  605. 1
  606. 1
  607. 1
  608. 1
  609. 1
  610. 1
  611. 1
  612. 1
  613. 1
  614. 1
  615. 1
  616. 1
  617.  @giuffre714  Your last comment brings to mind some quotes: "...The majority are left with only their two poor values of personal peace and affluence. With such values, will men stand for their liberties? Will they not give up their liberties step by step, inch by inch, as long as their personal peace and prosperity is sustained and not challenged, and as long as the goods are delivered?" Francis Schaeffer "You are not to inquire how your trade may be increased, nor how you are to become a great and powerful people, but how your liberties can be secured; for liberty ought to be the direct end of your Government." -Patrick Henry "...armies, and debts, and taxes are the known instrument for bringing the many under the domination of the few.” James Madison And the German-English economist, E. F. Schumacher wrote the following late in the age of English colonialism, but it's also very applicable to the supposed "generosity" of the US: “Some people ask: 'What happens when a country, composed of one rich province and several poor ones, falls apart because the rich province secedes?' Most probably the answer is: 'Nothing very much happens.' The rich will continue to be rich and the poor will continue to be poor. 'But if, before secession, the rich province had subsidised the poor, what happens then?' Well then, of course, the subsidy might stop. But the rich rarely subsidise the poor; more often they exploit them. They may not do so directly so much as through the terms of trade. They may obscure the situation a little by a certain redistribution of tax revenue or small-scale charity, but the last thing they want to do is secede from the poor. “The normal case is quite different, namely that the poor provinces wish to separate from the rich, and that the rich want to hold on because they know that exploitation of the poor within one's own frontiers is infinitely easier than exploitation of the poor beyond them.”
    1
  618. 1
  619. 1
  620. 1
  621. 1
  622. 1
  623. 1
  624. 1
  625. 1
  626. 1
  627. 1
  628. 1
  629. 1
  630. 1
  631. 1
  632. 1
  633. 1
  634. 1
  635. 1
  636. 1
  637. 1
  638. 1
  639. 1
  640. 1
  641. 1
  642. 1
  643. 1
  644. 1
  645. 1
  646.  @TheStapleGunKid  "When shown time and time again that the Southern leaders said constantly, repeatedly, and forcefully said they were seceding to preserve slavery, you still deny it." Show me one time where any Southern leader said his state/the South was "seceding to preserve slavery" in the sense of seceding to protect against something (let alone something they considered constitutionally legitimate, like the Republicans winning the election, which fact they hated but recognized was in accordance with the constitution) that would have prevented them from continuing to practice slavery if they had remained in the union. They never used the word "preserve" as Righteous Cause Myth apologists "constantly, repeatedly, and forcefully" do, because it implies the lie that the southern states seceded to protect against some constitutionally legitimate threat that would have prevented them from continuing to practice slavery if they had remained in the union. The only sense in which they seceded "to preserve slavery" is the sense in which the seceded "to preserve water drinking," which is to say drinking water was one of the things they intended to continue doing after they seceded. "All you have to do is read the relevant primary documents that show the South..., showing the Union was not only legally justified..., but morally justified as well." Are you saying the North was morally justified because of what the South said (never mind your gross distortions of what they said), even though the North went to war denying any anti-slavery purposes? Can the US likewise be morally justified in invading Iraq on the basis of Saddam Hussein's evils irrespective of the USA's actual and stated reasons for invading Iraq? If not, how can the North be?
    1
  647. 1
  648. 1
  649. 1
  650. 1
  651. 1
  652. 1
  653. 1
  654. 1
  655. 1
  656. 1
  657. 1
  658. 1
  659. 1
  660. 1
  661. 1
  662. 1
  663. 1
  664. 1
  665. 1
  666. 1
  667. 1
  668. 1
  669. 1
  670. ​ @TheEnderCycloneEnd  Lincoln didn't want to and never said he wanted to free the slaves. He said he wished that they would be freed, but he recognized there was no constitutional means for him or the federal government to abolish slavery in the slave states. (I can share quotes from Lincoln proving those points if you want to see those.) You ask why else would southern states secede after Lincoln's election. The Republicans were the first ever entirely sectional political party. They represented the interests of the North (especially the Northeast) as particularly opposed to the interests of the South. They were so anti-Southern that they had even celebrated a terrorist attack where random southern civilians had been murdered, so random that the first victim was a free black Southerner. For the South to be governed by the North was almost like the Taliban governing the US after 9/11. Republican governors had even refused to fulfill their constitutional obligation to extradite the escaped participants in the attack to serve justice. And the main plank of the Republican platform had been to prohibit slavery in the territories, despite the fact that the southern states believed the constitution gave the federal government no such authority, and despite the fact the Supreme Court had already ruled that "the act of Congress which prohibited a citizen from holding and owning property of this kind [slaves] in the territory of the United States north of the line therein mentioned, is not warranted by the Constitution, and is therefore void..." But the Republicans' platform was to simply challenge the Supreme Court. As Lincoln said, “The whole nation is interested that the best use shall be made of these territories. We want them for the homes of free white people.” And Lincoln also said, "A separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation, but as an immediate separation is impossible, the next best thing is to keep them apart where they are not already together. If white and black people never get together in Kansas, they will never mix blood in Kansas…" I don't think southern Democrats or Republicans actually cared much about slavery in the territories one way or the other, but what they did care about was political power in DC, and slavery largely determined whether states would align with the Democrats or the Republicans (although there were plenty of Democrats in the North, too, especially the Midwest: Douglas won over 47% of the vote in Illinois, effectively 46% in New York, and around 42-43% of the vote in Ohio, Iowa, Wisconsin, Indiana, and Michigan... and the Republicans only won California and Oregon with 32-36% of the vote because the opposition split their vote.) So the issue of slavery in the territories mattered mainly because of its impact on political power in DC, but what was at stake with political power wasn't anything to do with slavery but rather issues like railroad subsidies, a national bank, protective tariffs, etc. Those are the things that were at stake, and it's similar to the way abortion plays prominently in elections but then what Congress does about abortion barely changes no matter which party controls DC. Balancing power, like you say, was very much the issue, but politicians didn't want power for the sake of slaves; they wanted power (as politicians almost always do) for the sake of the economic interests they represented. Republicans were just exploiting slavery as a wedge issue for political advantages, very much like they exploit the abortion issue today. When I referred to Kansas, I was referring to the question of whether slavery would be allowed in the territories. Kansas was just the most disputed territory immediately prior to secession.
    1
  671. 1
  672. 1
  673. 1
  674. 1
  675. 1
  676.  @plno2443  "But the slaver states argued Northern states did not have the sovereign right to permit fugitive slaves to remain free under protection of the laws of the Northern states." Certainly that's what the constitution said. And if the northern states had said they wanted to secede and be done with that deal, I would defend their right to have done so. Would you? And how else would you respond to a constitutional clause that you didn't have any hope of having the votes to amend in the foreseeable future but that you couldn't bring yourself to honor? Would you even take an oath to uphold such a deal? In any case, the North's position was clear. As Lincoln said of the fugitive slave clause, "It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?... "I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules..." "And, you’d personally argue the slave had no right to seek to “secede” from his slave master because the slave was property of its master." Where do you get that idea? "Most southerners learned their lesson." And what lesson was that? According to a couple prominent Northerners: "The state is indeed divine, as being the great incarnation of a nation’s rights, privileges, honor, and life." -Henry Bellows (1866), on the meaning of the North’s victory "The war... has tended, more than any other event in the history of the country to militate against the Jeffersonian idea, that 'the best government is that which governs least.' The war has not only, of necessity, given more power to, but has led to a more intimate prevision of the government over every material interest of society." -Republican Governor Richard Yates of Illinois, 1865
    1
  677. 1
  678. 1
  679. 1
  680. 1
  681. 1
  682. 1
  683. 1
  684. 1
  685. 1
  686. 1
  687. 1
  688. 1
  689. 1
  690. 1
  691.  @Ben00000  And whether Lincoln was willing to backtrack from a tactic he employed to deny independence and self-government to the southern states, the fact remains that the primary purpose of the emancipation proclamation was to aid the cause of denying independence and self-government to the southern states. Lincoln: "What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union [i.e. maintain control over and deny independence and self-government to the southern states]; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause." "The Union government liberates the enemy’s slaves as it would the enemy’s cattle, simply to weaken them in the conflict. The principle is not that a human being cannot justly own another, but that he cannot own him unless he is loyal to the United States." London Spectator in reference to the Emancipation Proclamation Massachusetts abolitionist Lysander Spooner: "The pretense that the “abolition of slavery” was either a motive or justification for the war, is a fraud... And why did these men abolish slavery? Not from any love of liberty in general – not as an act of justice to the black man himself, but only “as a war measure,” ... in carrying on the war they had undertaken for maintaining and intensifying that political, commercial, and industrial slavery, to which they have subjected the great body of the people, both black and white. And yet these imposters now cry out that they have abolished the chattel slavery of the black man – although that was not the motive of the war – as if they thought they could thereby conceal, atone for, or justify that other slavery which they were fighting to perpetuate, and to render more rigorous and inexorable than it ever was before."
    1
  692. 1
  693. 1
  694. 1
  695. 1
  696. 1
  697.  @TheStapleGunKid  That's not what Confederate leaders said about what Republicans wanted. As Alexander Stephens said, "The principles and position of the present administration of the United States the republican party present some puzzling questions. While it is a fixed principle with them never to allow the increase of a foot of slave territory, they seem to be equally determined not to part with an inch "of the accursed soil." Notwithstanding their clamor against the institution, they seemed to be equally opposed to getting more, or letting go what they have got. They were ready to fight on the accession of Texas, and are equally ready to fight now on her secession. Why is this? How can this strange paradox be accounted for? There seems to be but one rational solution and that is, notwithstanding their professions of humanity, *they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor*. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slave." And that comports with what abolitionists said, too, "...these lenders of blood money had, for a long series of years previous to the war, been the willing accomplices of the slave-holders in perverting the government from the purposes of liberty and justice, to the greatest of crimes. They had been such accomplices for a purely pecuniary consideration, to wit, a control of the markets in the South; in other words, the privilege of holding the slave-holders themselves in industrial and commercial subjection to the manufacturers and merchants of the North (who afterwards furnished the money for the war). And these Northern merchants and manufacturers, these lenders of blood-money, *were willing to continue to be the accomplices of the slave-holders in the future*, for the same pecuniary considerations. But the slave-holders, either doubting the fidelity of their Northern allies, or feeling themselves strong enough to keep their slaves in subjection without Northern assistance, would no longer pay the price which these Northern men demanded. And it was to enforce this price in the future – that is, to monopolize the Southern markets, to maintain their industrial and commercial control over the South – that these Northern manufacturers and merchants lent some of the profits of their former monopolies for the war, in order to secure to themselves the same, or greater, monopolies in the future. These – and not any love of liberty or justice – were the motives on which the money for the war was lent by the North. In short, the North said to the slave-holders: If you will not pay us our price (give us control of your markets) for our assistance against your slaves, we will secure the same price (keep control of your markets) by helping your slaves against you, and using them as our tools for maintaining dominion over you; for the control of your markets we will have, whether the tools we use for that purpose be black or white, and be the cost, in blood and money, what it may." Spooner Why don't you believe what Confederate leaders and abolitionists both said about what Republicans wanted? For that matter, why don't you believe what Republicans themselves said? Lincoln: "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so."
    1
  698. 1
  699. 1
  700. 1
  701. 1
  702. 1
  703. 1
  704.  @TheStapleGunKid  In hindsight it's clear that slavery, particularly agriculturally based slavery like we had in the States, was on its way out regardless of anything to do particularly with America or American politics because of industrialization. But if your argument is that it would have ended substantially earlier even apart from secession because Republicans would have appointed Supreme Court justices that eventually would of overturned Dred Scott which eventually would have... have you ever even told me in your own words what you think would have happened then? But I know you equate prohibiting slavery in the territories with eventual abolition. Apparently you think it would have actually made a difference in how soon slavery would have been abolished in the South even if the South hadn't seceded? Can you quantify that roughly? But if your argument is true, it would have applied to other places that practiced slavery outside the US, too, right? Like Cuba? Is there any reason to think your argument would have applied any more to the southern states than to Cuba? If not, let's see evidence that the same argument was made in Cuba or other places besides the US. Otherwise, I'm going with what's consistent with what Stephens said in the Cornerstone Speech, what Davis said in his inaugural address, and what Texas said in its declaration of causes: "We have all the essential elements of a high national career. The idea has been given out at the North, and even in the border States, that we are too small and too weak to maintain a separate nationality. This is a great mistake. In extent of territory we embrace five hundred and sixty-four thousand square miles and upward... With such an area of territory as we have-with such an amount of population-with a climate and soil unsurpassed by any on the face of the earth-with such resources already at our command-with productions which control the commerce of the world-who can entertain any apprehensions as to our ability to succeed, whether others join us or not?" No need to expand expressed there, is there? Quite the opposite. "An agricultural people, whose chief interest is the export of a commodity required in every manufacturing country, our true policy is peace, and the freest trade which our necessities will permit. It is alike our interest, and that of all those to whom we would sell and from whom we would buy, that there should be the fewest practicable restrictions upon the interchange of commodities. There can be but little rivalry between ours and any manufacturing or navigating community, such as the Northeastern States of the American Union. It must follow, therefore, that a mutual interest would invite good will and kind offices. If, however, passion or the lust of dominion should cloud the judgment or inflame the ambition of those States, we must prepare to meet the emergency and to maintain, by the final arbitrament of the sword, the position which we have assumed among the nations of the earth. We have entered upon the career of independence, and it must be inflexibly pursued. Through many years of controversy with our late associates, the Northern States, we have vainly endeavored to secure tranquillity, and to obtain respect for the rights to which we were entitled. As a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separation; and henceforth our energies must be directed to the conduct of our own affairs, and the perpetuity of the Confederacy which we have formed. If a just perception of mutual interest shall permit us peaceably to pursue our separate political career, my most earnest desire will have been fulfilled. But, if this be denied to us, and the integrity of our territory and jurisdiction be assailed, it will but remain for us, with firm resolve, to appeal to arms and invoke the blessings of Providence on a just cause. ... it is not unreasonable to expect that States from which we have recently parted may seek to unite their fortunes with ours under the government which we have instituted. For this your Constitution makes adequate provision; but beyond this, if I mistake not the judgment and will of the people, a reunion with the States from which we have separated is neither practicable nor desirable. To increase the power, develop the resources, and promote the happiness of a confederacy, it is requisite that there should be so much of homogeneity that the welfare of every portion shall be the aim of the whole. Where this does not exist, antagonisms are engendered which must and should result in separation. Actuated solely by the desire to preserve our own rights and promote our own welfare, the separation of the Confederate States has been marked by no aggression upon others and followed by no domestic convulsion." That's quite the contrary of expansion there, too, isn't it? "The controlling majority of the Federal Government, under various pretences and disguises, has so administered the same as to exclude the citizens of the Southern States, unless under odious and unconstitutional restrictions, from all the immense territory owned in common by all the States on the Pacific Ocean, for the avowed purpose of acquiring sufficient power in the common government to use it as a means of destroying the institutions of Texas and her sister slaveholding States." The importance of the territories from the perspective of the southern states was all about "power in the common government," not anything that would affect an independent Confederacy with its own government, i.e. none of the nonsense you're asserting.
    1
  705. 1
  706. 1
  707. 1
  708. 1
  709. 1
  710. 1
  711. 1
  712. 1
  713. 1
  714. 1
  715. 1
  716. 1
  717.  @TheStapleGunKid  "Their view on secession was no different then that of the Union when their own territory did it." I know I've shared this Stephens quote somewhere in these comments, but have I not shared it specifically with you yet? Vice President Stephens said in a speech before the Georgia legislature in 1864: "Ours is a government founded upon the consent of sovereign States, and will be itself destroyed by the very act whenever it attempts to maintain or perpetuate its existence by force over its respective members. The surest way to check any inclination in North Carolina to quit our sisterhood, if any such really exist even to the most limited extent among her people, is to show them that the struggle is continued, as it was begun, for the maintenance of constitutional liberty. If, with this great truth ever before them, a majority of her people should prefer despotism to liberty, I would say to her, as to 'a wayward sister, depart in peace.'" So clearly leaders of the Confederacy were openly advocating a principle that Lincoln and the Republican party (which is to say the leaders of the post-secession Union) obviously were not. I don't know enough about the details of the history to say, but I assume you're right when you note that there isn't a history in the North or South of respecting the principles of the Declaration of Independence with respect to parts of states -- I think that's unfortunate -- but there's very much a tradition, particularly in the South, of respecting those principles at the state level. Thomas Jefferson, for example, said in his first inaugural address, “If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left to combat it.” And fifteen years later, after the New England Federalists attempted to secede, Jefferson said, “If any state in the Union will declare that it prefers separation … to a continuance in the union …. I have no hesitation in saying, ‘Let us separate.'” But although the principles expressed in the Declaration of Independence were certainly stronger in the South than in the North, those principles were certainly a part, albeit weaker, of an American tradition that included the North, too. George Bassett, the northern abolitionist, for example, said: “But remember, that when South Carolina falls, she falls not alone. The suicidal hand which strikes down the sovereignty of the people of South Carolina, demolishes that of Massachusetts with it, and the whole fabric of American Liberty falls by the same stroke. Then not one star escapes from the galaxy of free sovereignties, but all are blotted out by this sweeping stroke of despotic usurpation. We are no longer a voluntary confederation of sovereign States, but each and all of us conquered provinces of a centralized and consolidated despotism. We of the North may be voluntary in this subjection, like the more degraded of slaves—yea, we may be the unnatural agents of it; but it is subjection still.” You said, "... even in their new constitution, they too did not include any right to secession. Making a new constitution would have been the perfect time to write in a right to secession, but they still didn't do it." That they added "each State acting in its sovereign and independent character" to the preamble is one indication that they respected the sovereignty of each state within the confederacy. "Sovereign and independent" states don't need to depend on other states or the federal government to withdraw from a union, do they? "The primary purpose of the Confederate constitution was to add in new federal protections for slavery. Other then that, it's almost identical to the American one." It is largely identical to the US constitution, but even despite the very limited differences, there's still clear of evidence of the Confederate States' opposition to overreaching centralized power and crony capitalism: There's the line from the preamble I just mentioned. Powers were not "granted" to the federal government, like in the US constitution, but rather "delegated." The Confederate Constitution added: “The House of Representatives … shall have the sole power of impeachment except any judicial or other Federal officer, resident and acting solely within the limits of any State, may be impeached by a vote of two-thirds of both branches of the (State’s) Legislature …” The president was given line-item veto power in all appropriation bills. The power to collect tariffs and other taxes was limited to purposes "for revenue necessary" to running the government. Tariffs to “promote or foster any branch of industry” were specifically disallowed. "...neither this, nor any other clause contained in the Constitution shall ever be construed to delegate the power to Congress to appropriate money for any internal improvement intended to facilitate commerce” except along waterways and harbors. "...of the several states" was added to the 9th amendment. The 10th amendment was changed from "to the States respectively, or to the people" to "to the States respectively, or to the people thereof.” You might say those are really insignificant little changes, and they are in one sense, but the fact that the Confederacy made such minor changes on those points shows they were points where they wanted to be abundantly clear about those foundational points.
    1
  718. 1
  719. 1
  720. 1
  721.  @TheStapleGunKid  As for the Confederate constitution, it's not my problem that you think something like the incorporation doctrine, which wasn't invented until the 20th century, supposedly on the basis of the 14th amendment, which itself didn't come about until after the WNA, must somehow apply to the Confederate constitution. As I said before, there was nothing in the Confederate constitution to stop states from abolishing slavery or otherwise passing anti-slavery laws except as related to citizens of other states and their slaves. Do you think the US constitution's 1st amendment, for example, authorized the federal government to oversee and prevent state governments from infringing 1st amendment rights in 1861, too? If not, why do you interpret the part of the Confederate constitution you quoted so differently? Stating things that the federal government isn't allowed to get involved in is the opposite of "textbook big government in action." "Wrong, the constitution never said anything about slavery in the federal territories." Whether the constitution did or didn't is beside the point of anything I've said, specifically that the Supreme Court had already ruled the US constitution did. You can reject the Supreme Court's ruling, but the fact that the Supreme Court had decisively ruled on the matter is unambiguous. If you think there's any ambiguity to the Dred Scott ruling, you'll have to explain what other way there is to understand the court's ruling (that I'm pretty sure I've already quoted to you) that, "the act of Congress which prohibited a citizen from holding and owning property of this kind in the territory of the United States north of the line therein mentioned, is not warranted by the Constitution, and is therefore void..."
    1
  722. 1
  723. 1
  724. 1
  725. 1
  726. 1
  727. 1
  728. 1
  729. 1
  730. 1
  731. 1
  732. 1
  733.  @TheStapleGunKid  I don't hardly ever think in terms of "states rights." I definitely think about constitutional issues, 10th amendment issues, etc., but I don't think I'd ever be inclined to use the term "states rights" to summarize those issues. So to address your question of whether there was any constitutional principle for which the Confederacy fought which the Confederate constitution contradicted, the answer is no according to the only definition of "states rights" that I could give you... and I can't imagine any other definition of states rights that would make any sense, and you haven't offered another definition. As to whether there were constitutional issues that led to secession, the declarations of causes make that abundantly clear. South Carolina's declaration of causes is especially clear and succinct with regards to the constitutional issues. Texas, on the other hand, seems to have focused more on the necessary spirit of the constitution, especially the spirit of the union "insuring domestic tranquility." The spirit of insuring domestic tranquility had been sacrificed to such a degree that the northern states were even widely supporting terrorist attacks against random Southerners. So union had come to mean being governed by a political party that was so hostile to the welfare of the southern people that it had supported terrorist attacks against them, all while trashing the letter of the constitution in addition to the spirit of union, and all for the purpose of advancing crony capitalism (as the Georgia declaration makes most clear of the declarations, although a much more in-depth explanation of the North's purposes can be found from the Massachusetts abolitionist Lysander Spooner.) Even if secession hadn't been a 10th amendment right -- it irrefutably was, but even if -- what recourse do you think states should have if a majority in Congress and the president simply decide to disregard the constitution in ruling over them? Do you think whoever controls DC should be able to trash the constitution however they please so long as they can maintain control of DC through elections?
    1
  734. 1
  735.  @TheStapleGunKid  I agree that the southern states' grievances were mainly directed at the northern states as opposed to the federal government, but it's significant that the Republican party hadn't yet controlled any part of the federal government when South Carolina seceded, so I think it was reasonable to look at what Republicans had done with state power and assume the Republican party would do very comparable things once it gained control in the federal government. The South Carolina declaration, for example, particularly cites two states that had Republican governors for "refus[ing] to surrender to justice fugitives charged with murder" in violation of the constitution's extradition clause: "A person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another state, shall on demand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime." "The only things South Carolina accuses the federal government of doing are being hostile to slavery (which is of course not unconstitutional, the constitution doesn't mandate feelings) and excluding the South from the common territory..." The quote above about violation of the constitution's extradition clause with regards to terrorist (by which I particularly mean not targeted but directed very broadly/randomly at the southern population, including even blacks) murderers clearly disproves that assertion. And with regards to the fugitive slave clause of the constitution, even Lincoln acknowledged that laws had not been passed "to keep good" politicians' "unanimous oath" to the constitution, noting that, "All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision [referring specifically to the fugitive slave clause] as much as to any other." Those two examples (the extradition clause and the fugitive slave clause) are certainly sufficient to validate what South Carolina said in its declaration: "Thus the constituted compact has been deliberately broken and disregarded by the non-slaveholding States, and the consequence follows that South Carolina is released from her obligation." So I repeated my question to you: Even if secession hadn't been an unconditional 10th amendment right -- it irrefutably was, but even if -- what recourse do you think states should have if a majority in Congress and the president simply decide to disregard the constitution in ruling over them? Do you think whoever controls DC should be able to trash the constitution however they please so long as they can maintain control of DC through elections? "This wasn't about crony capitalism or constitutional violations by the federal government." That's exactly what it was about, and even prominent abolitionists said so. Your position is, of course, wholly without any basis in history. You can't even explain what you mean, let alone provide historical evidence to back it up.
    1
  736. 1
  737. 1
  738. 1
  739.  @TheStapleGunKid  "And do you really not see the irony of the supposed pro-states rights side taking issue with states passing laws to deal with an overbearing federal government law?" There's no irony in the side that wanted the 10th amendment respected wanting to have other parts of the constitution respected, too. As Georgia's declaration said, the only means that was in place for fulfilling the guarantee of the fugitive slave clause "stands to-day a dead letter for all practicable purposes in every non-slave-holding State in the Union." I'm not saying the northern states shouldn't have seceded rather than uphold the fugitive slave clause, but the Republicans never did anything for the sake of any slaves, and seceding didn't advance their cause of crony capitalism, so the northern states didn't do anything honorable with regards to slavery but only exploited the issue (much like Republicans today exploit the issue of abortion without ever doing anything about it) for their political advantage and the cause of crony capitalism. If effecting the guarantees of the constitution itself are "overbearing," then I'll repeat, rephrasing it slightly, the question I've been repeating: what recourse do you think states should have if those states controlling majority in Congress and the presidency simply decide to disregard the constitution? Do you think whichever states control DC should be able to trash the constitution however they please so long as they can maintain control of DC through elections (regardless of whether those states trash the constitution directly and prevent DC from stopping them or whether they trash the constitution through the federal government)?
    1
  740. ​ @TheStapleGunKid  "From 1850 to 1860, almost every federal law and supreme court ruling went in favor of the South" And what difference did it make? Laws that were supposed to lead to the return of fugitive slaves weren't enforced (and no other attempt to honor constitutional obligations was made in place of federal laws); Republican governors simply didn't fulfill their constitutional obligations to extradite criminals when they had it in their power to do so; Republicans promised to simply defy the Supreme Court's ruling with regards to slavery in the territories at the federal level... So, yes, what you say is true, but it's an empty point, because the North didn't respect the law or even the Supreme Court. As Georgia's declaration of causes said about the fugitive slave law, "The Supreme Court unanimously, and their own local courts with equal unanimity (with the single and temporary exception of the supreme court of Wisconsin), sustained its constitutionality in all of its provisions. Yet it stands to-day a dead letter for all practicable purposes in every non-slave-holding State in the Union." And with regards to prohibiting slavery in the territories, Georgia's declaration said, "we offer the judgment of the Supreme Court of the United States, the highest judicial tribunal of our country, in our favor." So what recourse do you think states should have if other states decide to simply trash the constitution? I can only think of two answers. I think if states don't want to honor the terms of the constitution (e.g. the fugitive slave clause prior to the 13th amendment), then they should secede. If other states are simply going to dishonor their constitutional oaths, then (1) the states on the losing end of that constitutional abuse can implore them to honor their commitment and if those other states still don't act honorably, then the only choices left to them are to declare the contract broken and the union dissolved (at least between them and the offending states) or they could choose to let it slide and continue in union with the dishonorable states; or (2) the other position, which I wouldn't support at all, but it's the only other answer I've heard, is that the federal government could somehow force compliance on the dishonorable states, but even if you think the federal government should use force to settle constitutional disputes between states, what recourse do you think states should have if the dishonorable states have enough power in DC to prevent force from being used against them? What then? Do you think there should be no recourse for the states whose constitutional rights have been abused, unless they can get enough power in DC to be able to use force against the dishonorable states? I said, "the Republicans never did anything for the sake of any slaves," and you responded with: "the republican controlled government: * Banned slavery the federal territories * Abolished slavery in Washington DC * Ruled the slaves who escaped from the rebel states to Union lines were free * Banned the military from returning any escaped slaves." Do you actually think they did any of those things for the sake of any slaves? What reason do you have to think any of those things were done for the sake of any slaves? And the only one of those things they even said they wanted to do before they were already deep in a war they had launched for reasons (as they themselves declared) that had nothing to do with slavery was the one that directly defied the ruling the Supreme Court had already issued on the subject. And how was that one supposed to help any slaves anyway? Are you asserting that slaves were better off in Mississippi than being taken to Kansas? That's an absurd argument. But the good of any slaves had absolutely nothing to do with the Republicans motivations in that question anyway.
    1
  741.  @TheStapleGunKid  Does the following Lincoln quote not accurately summarize the Republicans' reasons for doing everything they did that happened to benefit any slaves? “Understand, I raise no objections against it [slavery] on legal or constitutional grounds … I view the matter [emancipation] as a practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.” Similarly, the abolitionist Spooner said about the Republicans, "The pretense that the 'abolition of slavery' was either a motive or justification for the war, is a fraud of the same character with that of “maintaining the national honor.” Who, but such usurpers, robbers, and murderers as they, ever established slavery? Or what government, except one resting upon the sword, like the one we now have, was ever capable of maintaining slavery? And why did these men abolish slavery? Not from any love of liberty in general – not as an act of justice to the black man himself, but only “as a war measure,” and because they wanted his assistance, and that of his friends, in carrying on the war they had undertaken for maintaining and intensifying that political, commercial, and industrial slavery, to which they have subjected the great body of the people, both black and white. And yet these imposters now cry out that they have abolished the chattel slavery of the black man – although that was not the motive of the war – as if they thought they could thereby conceal, atone for, or justify that other slavery which they were fighting to perpetuate, and to render more rigorous and inexorable than it ever was before."
    1
  742. 1
  743. ​ @TheStapleGunKid  I think by the time of the DC emancipation act it was no longer possible for Republicans to pretend to be anti-slavery (as opposed to just anti-southern simply because they were anti-anything that stands in the way of crony capitalism) without supporting the emancipation of the slaves in DC, and it was necessary to maintain an anti-slavery position to maintain a minimally credible pretense, particularly in the eyes of England and France, which might very well have given potentially decisive support to the South if it hadn't been for the the South's strong pro-slavery stance and the North's pretenses of being anti-slavery, for the sake of the Republicans' real motivations, namely the advancement of crony capitalism. In any case, positions which evolved after the war was fully underway are irrelevant to questions of what the war was about. That doesn't apply to the question of slavery in the territories, because that was a position the Republicans took well before Lincoln's call to militarily subjugate the southern states. There are three main reasons/excuses I see for the Republicans' position on slavery in the territories. #1 is the anti-slavery excuse. The notable things about that excuse is that excluding slavery from the territories would have done nothing for the good of any slaves (who would otherwise be kept in more strongly pro-slavery states) and it promised to do nothing for the good of any slaves. Lincoln could make his typical vague politician remarks about "ultimate course of extinction," but although lots of people didn't realize it at the time, slavery was on the ultimate course of extinction (particularly African slavery in the Americas) already, and there was no reason to think that the federal government excluding slavery from the territories was going to make a bit of difference, particularly not a helpful difference -- it could very well have had the opposite effect -- and I've never seen any evidence (and I bet you haven't either) of Lincoln explaining why he thought it would have made a difference. Do you even have a theory of your own? #2 is the main reason Lincoln gave, namely white supremacy, wanting to keep black people out of the North altogether, to keep them from ever settling in the first place in states where they hadn't already settled, etc. If you're not familiar with the things Lincoln said of that sort, I can share quotes with you. And, of course, Lincoln's anti-black (disguised as anti-slavery) views were common with lots of Republicans. As much as the North liked to pretend to care about slave owners giving their slaves lashings, Republicans in northern states were pushing for (and in some cases passing) laws that punished black people with lashings for simply trying to live in their states. More free blacks chose to remain in the South than lived in so-called free states. #3 is the political advantage that getting new states to align with the North offered. That was, of course, the reason that the North and South had been admitting states in pairs, one slave state and one free state at a time, going back to the 1700s with Vermont and Kentucky, well before some of the northern states with small numbers of slaves had even voted to begin the decades long process of gradually abolishing slavery. So the political fight for power in DC which had been a factor relating to slavery since at least the 3/5 compromise obviously remained a major issue in 1860. And Republicans, as was noted in the seceding states declarations of causes, were exploiting the issue for political gain in the pursuit of the crony capitalist motivations which had been at play from the beginning and which dominated the Republican party. As to fugitive slaves, the constitution said that they "shall be delivered up." You do recognize they weren't being delivered up, don't you? Whether or not you recognize that they weren't, do you think the northern states should have honored that constitutional commitment? That brings me back to what I asked before. I'll repeat: So what recourse do you think states should have if other states decide to simply trash the constitution? I can only think of two answers. I think if states don't want to honor the terms of the constitution (e.g. the fugitive slave clause prior to the 13th amendment), then they should secede. If other states are simply going to dishonor their constitutional oaths, then (1) the states on the losing end of that constitutional abuse can implore them to honor their commitment and if those other states still don't act honorably, then the only choices left to them are to declare the contract broken and the union dissolved (at least between them and the offending states) or they could choose to let it slide and continue in union with the dishonorable states; or (2) the other position, which I wouldn't support at all, but it's the only other answer I've heard, is that the federal government could somehow force compliance on the dishonorable states, but even if you think the federal government should use force to settle constitutional disputes between states, what recourse do you think states should have if the dishonorable states have enough power in DC to prevent force from being used against them? What then? Do you think there should be no recourse for the states whose constitutional rights have been abused, unless they can get enough power in DC to be able to use force against the dishonorable states?
    1
  744.  @TheStapleGunKid  "What makes you think the Republicans were only pretending to be anti-slavery?" That depends in part on how we define anti-slavery. If by anti-slavery we mean willing to sacrifice their other leading goals to any degree for the sake of trying to accelerate (in some clear and reasonable way) legal changes that would bring about the freedom of slaves, then all the evidence suggests Lincoln and Republicans generally were just pretending to be anti-slavery. As Lincoln said, "It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause 'shall be delivered up' their oaths are unanimous." And that, of course, is why real abolitionists like Wendell Phillips said, "secession from the present United States Government is the duty of every abolitionist; since no one can take office, or throw a vote for another to hold office, under the U.S. Constitution, without violating his anti-slavery principles, and rendering himself an abettor of the slaveholder in his sin." But at the very least, for Lincoln or the Republicans in Congress to have been meaningfully anti-slavery, they would have had to object to the Corwin amendment, but Lincoln and the Republicans in Congress generally supported the Corwin amendment. The only sense in which Republicans in 1860 were anti-slavery is the sense in which Republicans today are anti-abortion, which is to say that even when Trump was president and Republicans had a majority in both the House and the Senate, not only did they not do anything to criminalize abortion, but they continued even to pass budgets funding Planned Parenthood -- that was as telling as the Corwin amendment, even if it wasn't as dramatic as passing a constitutional amendment. It's not that Republicans are committed to pro-choice principles; it's just that they're happy to fund raise and campaign on the issue of abortion, to stoke division on a wedge social issue for the sake of the political advantages it gives them so that they can use their political power to hand out big military contracts and do whatever else they actually care about. Is there any reason to think Lincoln was any different from today's Republicans in these respects? I plan to continue responding to your above comment, but I'll post this for now.
    1
  745. ​ @TheStapleGunKid  Here are reasons Lincoln gave for opposing slavery in the territories: “I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races … I am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of Africans, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races from living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be a position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race.” “There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white people to the idea of indiscriminate amalgamation of the white and black races … A separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation, but as an immediate separation is impossible, the next best thing is to keep them apart where they are not already together. If white and black people never get together in Kansas, they will never mix blood in Kansas…” “Our republican system was meant for a homogeneous people. As long as blacks continue to live with the whites they constitute a threat to the national life. Family life may also collapse and the increase of mixed breed bastards may some day challenge the supremacy of the white man.” Call those positions "anti-slavery" if you want. I don't care what label you want to put on them.
    1
  746. 1
  747. 1
  748. 1
  749. 1
  750. 1
  751. 1
  752. 1
  753. ​ @TheStapleGunKid  The question isn't whether Lincoln was in favor of racial equity or not. The question is why Lincoln wanted the federal government to prohibit the practice of slavery in the territories. It obviously wasn't to free any slaves or prevent anyone else from becoming enslaved, because prohibiting slavery in the territories simply meant that slaves would remain in the slave states. The Lincoln quotes I shared show that Lincoln wanted to prohibit slavery in the territories because he (and lots of other Northerners and Republicans in particular) didn't want blacks, free or slave, in their space. When Lincoln said, "A separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation, but as an immediate separation is impossible, the next best thing is to keep them apart where they are not already together," and that was specifically in reference to what at the time was a US territory, he was explaining a leading reason of his for opposing the "expansion of slavery." White supremacy, not any kind of abolition, was his stated reason for opposing the "expansion of slavery." But his other reason, of course, was political control. If new states could be aligned economically and culturally with the Northeast/South, then they would be much more likely to vote with the Northeast/South, and this was nothing new. Even before New York had even begun the gradual process of abolition for itself it had been playing political games for control of power in DC, as all the states had in one direction or another. Lincoln was just ready to make a power play (like the Democrats talking of giving DC statehood now -- whatever the reasons for or against making DC a state, it's no coincidence that the political party pushing for DC statehood is the party that would gain politically from it). So those were the Republicans reasons for opposing the "expansion of slavery": #1 white supremacy, and #2 partisan political advantage (which the Republicans wanted to use for crony capitalist purposes, not anything to do with slavery.) Did Lincoln oppose slavery morally, etc.? He certainly railed against the evils of slavery in his speeches, but Republicans do the same with abortion today. That serves political purposes. Besides supporting a white supremacist North free of all blacks and seeking political advantages for the Republican party, what did he do, support, or credibly advocate doing prior to secession that related to slavery? "Or are you taking the position that Republican words and actions against slavery don't matter?" People have said things against abortion and then bombed abortion clinics. Were those bombers "anti-abortion"? Does it matter that they spoke out and then acted out against a great evil? For a lot of questions, not really. I definitely don't think being anti-abortion is an excuse for murder (or for trashing the rule of law, or for waging a war to deny your neighbors the right to self-government.) Do you?
    1
  754. 1
  755.  @TheStapleGunKid  And is this the 4th or 5th time now that I've asked the following? Why don't you just admit that you don't have any answer because your position is inconsistent and morally and legally indefensible? So what recourse do you think states should have if other states decide to simply trash the constitution? I can only think of two answers. I think if states don't want to honor the terms of the constitution (e.g. the fugitive slave clause prior to the 13th amendment), then they should secede. If other states are simply going to dishonor their constitutional oaths, then (1) the states on the losing end of that constitutional abuse can implore them to honor their commitment and if those other states still don't act honorably, then the only choices left to them are to declare the contract broken and the union dissolved (at least between them and the offending states) or they could choose to let it slide and continue in union with the dishonorable states; or (2) the other position, which I wouldn't support at all, but it's the only other answer I've heard, is that the federal government could somehow force compliance on the dishonorable states, but even if you think the federal government should use force to settle constitutional disputes between states, what recourse do you think states should have if the dishonorable states have enough power in DC to prevent force from being used against them? What then? Do you think there should be no recourse for the states whose constitutional rights have been abused, unless they can get enough power in DC to be able to use force against the dishonorable states?
    1
  756. 1
  757.  @TheStapleGunKid  I said, "So is your position that the war was about slavery because it was about the Confederacy seceding in order to invade Cuba or Mexico or some other place." You responded, in part, "Why is it written into multiple Confederate State declarations of secession?" That's an easy answer: it's not, not even close. As to the Mosby quote, he didn't say the South seceded in order to invade Cuba or some other place, and it's ridiculous to suggest that's what he meant by "on account of slavery." What's the earliest quote you can find of anyone clearly saying any such thing? I'm guessing not within 100 years of the war. And people on your side accuse the other side of historical revisionism, ha! With regards to secession and slavery, there's not a thing I'm arguing that wasn't clearly said by abolitionists in the 1860's (and before), and with regards to constitutional issues, my position was clearly set forward by multiple founding fathers but probably best by Thomas Jefferson in his original draft of the Kentucky Resolutions (as well as the Declaration of Independence.) You should just own up to your historical revisionism. Just because no one made your argument until recently doesn't necessarily mean it's false (although, of course, it is.) "They wouldn't have done anything if some other country invaded Mexico either." You seem to be recognizing that stopping the Confederacy from being able to invade another country in the future had nothing to do with the North's reasons for refusing to allow the South to secede, and, of course, neither that nor anything else even that indirectly related to slavery did. But my main point was to answer your question of why some Southerners talked about Cuba, etc. Talk of territorial expansion and even going to war at least in part for the sake of territorial expansion were pretty much a constant in American history, from even before American independence from England to long after Lincoln's war to destroy our founding principle of government by the consent of the governed, so it's absurd to explain all such talk in terms of slavery, when slavery mostly had nothing at all to do with it (as with the invasion of Canada in 1812 or the invasion of Cuba long after the end of slavery in the US.) The reasons Southerners talked about Cuba are overwhelmingly the same reasons Americans talked about conquering Canada or Spain's colonies in the Caribbean. And Cuba, the place that was most talked about by Southerners, already had a large slave population anyway -- Cuba didn't abolish slavery until decades later -- so if the US had gone to war to take Cuba from Spain before the end of slavery in the US it wouldn't have involved any spread of slavery anyway. "If the Confederate States stayed in the Union, then slavery was doomed." Slavery was doomed regardless. "So they seceded and started the war to preserve it. Lincoln said this. The Confederate leaders said this." Right before the start of the war Lincoln said, "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." The Union Congress officially declared at the start of the war by a practically unanimous vote, "That this war is not being prosecuted upon our part in any spirit of... nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those states..." Jefferson Davis as clearly and simply as possible, "We are not fighting for slavery." There was universal agreement from the leaders on both sides of the conflict on this point, yet you still try to deny it. And you ignore what all sides at the time said in favor of your revisionist Cuba-but-not-really-Cuba theory. You have to outright ignore with no explanation whatsoever what countless Southerners, Northerners, foreigners, abolitionists... said. There's not a single quote from before 1870 you've provided that challenges anything I've said (but I can discuss any of them in more detail if you like.) You cited: ""It refuses the admission of new slave States into the Union..." --Misssissippi declaration ""The prohibition of slavery in the Territories..." Georgia declaration "...to exclude the citizens of the Southern States, unless under odious and unconstitutional restrictions, from all the immense territory owned in common by all the States..." Texas declaration No mention of any foreign country in any of those declarations, is there? Especially not any mention of any foreign country where slavery wasn't already being practiced and wouldn't continue to be practiced for decades longer (i.e. Cuba.) Nor is there any claim in any of the declarations of causes of secession to any of the US territories. The war obviously wasn't about any invasion at all except by the North of the South. Tell me more about your Cuba-but-not-really-Cuba-or-anywhere-else theory! "They [the states that seceded only after Lincoln's call to destroy the union by military force] chose to join with seven states who were in an active rebellion [sic], for the same reason the first seven states seceded and started [sic] the war: slavery." So you're saying VA, NC, TN, and AR seceded in order to invade Cuba-but-not-really-Cuba-or-anywhere-else after Lincoln called for the military subjugation of the states that had already seceded even though they had voted to remain in the union prior to Lincoln's call for war? How do you figure Lincoln's war against the self-government of the first seven states made those four states want to invade Cuba-but-not-really-Cuba-or-anywhere-else when they hadn't wanted to before? Lincoln's call to war obviously changed their mind (and by the votes, dramatically so), but you want to pretend that Lincoln suddenly made them want to invade Cuba-but-not-really-Cuba? How ridiculous can you get? "What they did would be the equivalent of California deciding to secede and join Japan after the attack on Pearl Harbor." Geography lesson for you: Pearl Harbor wasn't (and isn't) in Japan, not in any way, shape, or form. If Poland decided to withdraw from NATO and then wanted the foreign NATO troops to leave Poland, but the US refused to remove American troops from NATO bases in Poland, and Hungary then left NATO in opposition to the US violation of the NATO treaty and of Poland's rights (and by implication Hungary's own rights), then you would have an equivalent situation. "The problem with this claim is that it is contradicted by what Lincoln actually said as to why he wanted to ban slavery in the territories:" I'll repeat what Lincoln actually said about why he wanted to exclude slavery from the territories: “There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white people to the idea of indiscriminate amalgamation of the white and black races … A separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation, but as an immediate separation is impossible, the next best thing is to keep them apart where they are not already together. If white and black people never get together in Kansas, they will never mix blood in Kansas…”
    1
  758.  @TheStapleGunKid  Everyone that swore an oath to uphold the constitution swore an oath that fugitive slaves "shall be delivered up." Obviously that requires, as Lincoln himself said, "a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath." But the northern states refused to honor the law passed by Congress, refused to allow the courts to settle any of their disagreements with that law -- as the Georgia declaration of causes said about the federal fugitive slave law, "The Supreme Court unanimously, and their own local courts with equal unanimity (with the single and temporary exception of the supreme court of Wisconsin), sustained its constitutionality in all of its provisions." -- and did nothing (with the temporary exception of New Jersey) on the state level to honor that constitutional obligation. If that's not simply trashing the constitution's fugitive slave clause, what would it take? Nonetheless, I'll modify my repeated question to appease your BS: What recourse do you think states should have if they believe other states have decided to simply trash the constitution? I can only think of two answers. I think if states don't want to honor the terms of the constitution (e.g. the fugitive slave clause prior to the 13th amendment), then they should secede. If other states are simply going to dishonor their constitutional oaths, then (1) the states on the losing end of that alleged constitutional abuse can implore them to honor their commitment and if those other states still don't act honorably (according to the states making the allegations), then the only choices left to them are to declare the contract broken and the union dissolved (at least between them and the offending states) or they could choose to let it slide and continue in union with the allegedly dishonorable states; or (2) the other position, which I wouldn't support at all, but it's the only other answer I've heard, is that the federal government could somehow force compliance on the allegedly dishonorable states, but even if you think the federal government should use force to settle constitutional disputes between states, what recourse do you think states should have if the allegedly dishonorable states have enough power in DC to prevent force from being used against them? What then? Do you think there should be no recourse for the states whose constitutional rights have been abused, unless they can get enough power in DC to be able to use force against the dishonorable states? "This shows that the Northern states did not have enough power in DC to prevent the federal government from using force against them." What force did the courts use against the northern states? As the Georgia declaration said (lengthening the quote I already shared above): "The Supreme Court unanimously, and their own local courts with equal unanimity (with the single and temporary exception of the supreme court of Wisconsin), sustained its constitutionality in all of its provisions. Yet it stands to-day a dead letter for all practicable purposes in every non-slave-holding State in the Union." If the law stood a dead letter -- and you seem to recognize that fact yourself when you list your excuses for why they didn't enforce, excuses that the courts, in any case, hadn't accepted -- force obviously wasn't being used against them to carry the law (or any other means of effecting the constitution's guarantee) into effect, was it?
    1
  759. ​ @TheStapleGunKid  Your position apparently depends on simply avoiding the inconsistencies and contradictions exposed by these questions doesn't it? I'll ask again: What recourse do you think states should have if they believe other states have decided to simply trash the constitution? I can only think of two answers. I think if states don't want to honor the terms of the constitution, then they should secede. If other states are simply going to dishonor their constitutional oaths, then (1) the states on the losing end of that alleged constitutional abuse can implore them to honor their commitment and if those other states still don't act honorably (according to the states making the allegations), then the only choices left to them are to declare the contract broken and the union dissolved (at least between them and the offending states) or they could choose to let it slide and continue in union with the allegedly dishonorable states; or (2) the other position, which I wouldn't support at all, but it's the only other answer I've heard, is that the federal government could somehow force compliance on the allegedly dishonorable states, but even if you think the federal government should use force to settle constitutional disputes between states, what recourse do you think states should have if the allegedly dishonorable states have enough power in DC to prevent force from being used against them? What then? Do you think there should be no recourse for the states whose constitutional rights have been abused, unless they can get enough power in DC to be able to use force against the dishonorable states?
    1
  760. 1
  761.  @TheStapleGunKid  "Again, the notion that the South had insufficient control of DC leading up to secession is absurd. Almost every federal court ruling and law from 1850-1860 went in their favor. They got the lopsided compromise of 1850. They got their ridiculously tyrannical fugitive slave law. They got the Dredd Scott verdict. Everything was going their way up until Lincoln was elected." I think we agree that the federal courts sided strongly with the South, especially in those issues that had time to reach the Supreme Court, throughout the decade leading up to secession. And I think it's fair to say, as you're suggesting, that the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, in the words of the Georgia declaration of causes, "provid[ed] for the complete execution of this duty [from the fugitive slave clause of the constitution] by Federal officers." So I'm not disputing that the Fugitive Slave Act, had it been enforced, would have fulfilled the northern states' constitutional duties, but I am asserting precisely what the southern states asserted (which is basically the same thing you're saying) that the Fugitive Slave Act "stands to-day [at the time of Georgia's secession] a dead letter for all practicable purposes in every non-slave-holding State in the Union." You seem to want to deny that it was a dead letter, but at the same time you defend the North's arguments (due process arguments, etc.) for preventing its enforcement, which I can only take as recognition of the fact that it wasn't being fully enforced (which is why I say you seem to be saying the same thing.) But regardless of whether it was or wasn't being enforced in a way that could accurately be described as "everything was going their [the slave states'] way", as you said, the southern states clearly alleged that it was a dead letter, which is to say that it wasn't going their way at all, even though the letter of the by then decade old law was on their side and the Supreme Court had upheld it. As for your lame excuse for continuing to ignore my question and challenge to you, how can you say that if there's a constitutional dispute over the relevance and proper application of the due process clause, that that trumps consideration of how to resolve constitutional disputes? That's what my question is about: how to resolve constitutional disputes. Whatever parts of the constitution were involved in that dispute are part of my question. I would repeat my question again, but you can scroll up. Read it again. You don't seem to be saying the Supreme Court agreed with the northern states' assertion of the due process rights of black people in their states, because you've said, "Almost every federal court ruling and law from 1850-1860 went in their favor." So are you saying that you would have decided the cases relating to fugitive slaves differently and that you reject the Supreme Court's rulings? Okay, you can reject the authority of the Supremes as the ultimate arbiters of constitutional disputes -- I do -- but then what? How should constitutional disputes ultimately be resolved? That's my question. That's what you continue to ignore with your lame excuses.
    1
  762. 1
  763. 1
  764. 1
  765.  @TheStapleGunKid  I don't quote Madison as any sort of authority and definitely not as a founder I hold in high regard, but I agree with what he said in the quote I shared, and it was an answer to your question of whether your assumption that I disagree with your distortion of the Supreme Court ruling in Texas V. White means I also reject their authority. But, as an aside about Madison personally, I think what Luther Martin, Maryland delegate to the Philadelphia convention said is probably true of Madison: "One party [of the delegates at Philadelphia], whose object and wish it was to abolish and annihilate all state governments, and to bring forward one general government over this extensive continent, of a monarchical nature, under certain restrictions and limitations. Those who openly avowed this sentiment were, it is true, but few; yet it is equally true, sir, that there was a considerable number who did not openly avow it, who were, by myself and many others of the Convention, considered as being in reality favorers of that sentiment, and, acting upon those principles, covertly endeavoring to carry into effect what they well knew openly and avowedly could not be accomplished." That description might not be fully as applicable to Madison as to Hamilton, for example, but even Hamilton said lots of good and true things in the process of "covertly endeavoring to carry into effect what they well knew openly and avowedly could not be accomplished." In any case, the relevance of the Madison quote to our discussion is its content, not its source, and I hope you've recognized that the content is a full and valid answer to your challenge to me.
    1
  766.  @TheStapleGunKid  And since you've avoided my question and challenge to you so long now that it might be a mild hindrance to scroll up to where I last repeated it (for about the 6th time, not counting the times I pressed you to answer it without repeating it), I'll repeat it again now: What recourse do you think states should have if they believe other states have decided to simply trash the constitution? I can only think of two answers. I think if states don't want to honor the terms of the constitution, then they should secede. If other states are simply going to dishonor their constitutional oaths (at least according to the allegations of the other states), then (1) the states on the losing end of that alleged constitutional abuse can implore them to honor their commitment and if those other states still don't act honorably (according to the states making the allegations), then the only choices left to them are to declare the contract broken and the union dissolved (at least between them and the offending states) or they could choose to let it slide and continue in union with the allegedly dishonorable states; or (2) the other position, which I wouldn't support at all, but it's the only other answer I've heard, is that the federal government could somehow force compliance on the allegedly dishonorable states, but even if you think the federal government should use force to settle constitutional disputes between states (contradicting the Madison quote I just shared), what recourse do you think states should have if the allegedly dishonorable states have enough power in DC to prevent force from being used against them (sufficient to satisfy the demands of the states alleging constitutional neglect)? What then? Do you think there should be no recourse for the states alleging their constitutional rights have been abused, unless they can get enough power in DC to be able to use force against the dishonorable states?
    1
  767. 1
  768. 1
  769. 1
  770.  @TheStapleGunKid  Yes, in response to your comment that, "Almost every federal court ruling... from 1850-1860 went in their favor," I said, "Including any objections to the fugitive slave law northern states brought to the courts on the basis of due process objections. So why do you continue to pretend that's any excuse for hiding from my repeated question which exposes the BS of your argument?" And then I also said, "You tell me where any northern state sued for the right not to have to abide by the Fugitive Slave Law on the basis of due process objections. Unless they did, and until the courts granted any reprieve on that basis, what do any such objections matter?" Now you say, "As such, I'd like to know which specific case you were referring to. Which one covered due process objections?" But I didn't mean to refer to any particular case. Is the end result not true that, as you said, "Almost every federal court ruling... from 1850-1860 went in their favor"? I'm not aware of any exception relating to the Fugitive Slave Act. Are you? Are you suggesting there was an important exception to the "almost every federal court ruling" generalization you made and which I agreed with? Or what are you suggesting? For my part, not being aware of any contradictory evidence and in agreement with the generalization you yourself made, I'm trusting what Georgia's declaration of causes said that, "The Supreme Court unanimously, and their own local courts with equal unanimity (with the single and temporary exception of the supreme court of Wisconsin), sustained its [the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850] constitutionality in all of its provisions." So whether any northern states took any constitutional objections to the Fugitive Slave Act to the federal courts or not, it seems that in any case any such objections weren't upheld by the court. In either case, the Fugitive Slave Act was upheld against whatever legal challenges were brought against it. So what's your point?
    1
  771. ​ @splinter1psi99  You've been feeding yourself way too much Righteous Cause Myth revisionist history -- you need to read more original documents -- if you think the South needed to, let alone did fight to keep slavery. Here are a couple quotes from Republican presidents for you: "Many men have many theories about the struggle that went on from 1861 to 1865. Some say it had for its purpose the abolition of slavery. President Lincoln did not so consider it. There were those in the South who would have been willing to wage war for its continuation, but I very much doubt if the South as a whole could have been persuaded to take up arms for that purpose. There were those in the North who would have been willing to wage war for its abolition, but the North as a whole could not have been persuaded to take up arms for that purpose. President Lincoln made it perfectly clear that his effort was to save the Union, with slavery if he could save it that way; without slavery if he could save it that way. But he would save the Union. The South stood for the principle of the sovereignty of the States. The North stood for the principle of the supremacy of the Union." President Calvin Coolidge "Respecting your August 1 inquiry calling attention to my often expressed admiration for General Robert E. Lee, I would say, first, that we need to understand that at the time of the War between the States the issue of secession had remained unresolved for more than 70 years. Men of probity, character, public standing and unquestioned loyalty, both North and South, had disagreed over this issue as a matter of principle from the day our Constitution was adopted. General Robert E. Lee was, in my estimation, one of the supremely gifted men produced by our Nation. He believed unswervingly in the Constitutional validity of his cause which until 1865 was still an arguable question in America; he was a poised and inspiring leader, true to the high trust reposed in him by millions of his fellow citizens; he was thoughtful yet demanding of his officers and men, forbearing with captured enemies but ingenious, unrelenting and personally courageous in battle, and never disheartened by a reverse or obstacle. Through all his many trials, he remained selfless almost to a fault and unfailing in his faith in God. Taken altogether, he was noble as a leader and as a man, and unsullied as I read the pages of our history. From deep conviction, I simply say this: a nation of men of Lee’s calibre would be unconquerable in spirit and soul. Indeed, to the degree that present-day American youth will strive to emulate his rare qualities, including his devotion to this land as revealed in his painstaking efforts to help heal the Nation’s wounds once the bitter struggle was over, we, in our own time of danger in a divided world, will be strengthened and our love of freedom sustained. Such are the reasons that I proudly display the picture of this great American on my office wall." Eisenhower
    1
  772. 1
  773. 1
  774. 1
  775. 1
  776. 1
  777. ​ @TheStapleGunKid  If they thought they could have they would have. The fact that they felt the need to come up with new justifications after the fact that are totally absent from the justifications provided when the leaders of the North refused to even negotiate terms for secession and when they first went to war to destroy government by the consent of the governed shows that they felt the need to cover up for their original reasons (and you're doing the same with your dishonest BS, even in your last comment.) But even if I were wrong about their (Grant, etc.) reasons, the fact remains that neither Grant nor anyone else said anything of the sort except as after-the-fact propaganda/historical revisionism. Do you have any stupid excuse for that or are you just going to continue deflecting from that fact? And I'll repeat another question you've ignored over and over again: What recourse do you think states should have if they believe other states have decided to simply trash the constitution? I can only think of two answers. I think if states don't want to honor the terms of the constitution, then they should secede. If other states are simply going to dishonor their constitutional oaths (at least according to the allegations of the other states), then (1) the states on the losing end of that alleged constitutional abuse can implore them to honor their commitment and if those other states still don't act honorably (according to the states making the allegations), then the only choices left to them are to declare the contract broken and the union dissolved (at least between them and the offending states) or they could choose to let it slide and continue in union with the allegedly dishonorable states; or (2) the other position, which I wouldn't support at all, but it's the only other answer I've heard, is that the federal government could somehow force compliance on the allegedly dishonorable states, but even if you think the federal government should use force to settle constitutional disputes between states (contradicting the Madison quote I just shared), what recourse do you think states should have if the allegedly dishonorable states have enough power in DC to prevent force from being used against them (sufficient to satisfy the demands of the states alleging constitutional neglect)? What then? Do you think there should be no recourse for the states alleging their constitutional rights have been abused, unless they can get enough power in DC to be able to use force against the dishonorable states?
    1
  778.  @TheStapleGunKid  You must have missed where I said (emphasis added), "The fact that they felt the need to come up with new justifications after the fact that are totally absent from the justifications provided WHEN THE LEADERS OF THE NORTH REFUSED TO EVEN NEGOTIATE TERMS FOR SECESSION AND WHEN THEY FIRST WENT TO WAR to destroy government by the consent of the governed shows that they felt the need to cover up for their original reasons." But, actually, I'll take your answer to my question of "Do you have any stupid excuse for that or are you just going to continue deflecting from that fact?" to be that you prefer false propaganda and historical revisionism to facing the historical facts. And your argument still depends on inventing revisionist definitions (ones not even commonly used today) of "states rights"? Grow up! Why does the principle of free government "gall" you so (to use your word)? Besides the almost certain fact that you've been financially dependent on the government practically your entire life and you can't even envision any other kind of existence, Tocqueville described your defense of slavery well when he said, "Our contemporaries are constantly excited by two conflicting passions; they want to be led, and they wish to remain free: as they cannot destroy either one or the other of these contrary propensities, they strive to satisfy them both at once. They devise a sole, tutelary, and all-powerful form of government, but elected by the people. They combine the principle of centralization and that of popular sovereignty; this gives them a respite: they console themselves for being in tutelage by the reflection that they have chosen their own guardians. Every man allows himself to be put in leading-strings, because he sees that it is not a person or a class of persons, but the people at large that holds the end of his chain. By this system the people shake off their state of dependence just long enough to select their master, and then relapse into it again. A great many persons at the present day are quite contented with this sort of compromise between administrative despotism and the sovereignty of the people; and they think they have done enough for the protection of individual freedom when they have surrendered it to the power of the nation at large."
    1
  779.  @TheStapleGunKid  The fact that they felt the need to come up with new justifications after the fact that are totally absent from the justifications provided when the leaders of the North refused to even negotiate terms for secession and WHEN THEY FIRST WENT TO WAR (which wasn't in 1863 either, by the way, even though your quote from 1863 shows that Grant wasn't using the same false pretenses in 1863 as in 1865) to destroy government by the consent of the governed shows that they felt the need to cover up for their original reasons (and you're doing the same with your dishonest BS, even in your last comment, as with the one before.) And their justifications, as you know but seek to dishonestly distort, were explicitly divorced from any question of slavery (e.g. Crittenden-Johnson resolution), besides the fact that the justifications they did give were completely independent of slavery and would (as with the reasons you give today) apply every bit as much today if any state(s) were to seek to secede today for any reasons over 150 years removed from southern slavery. And, of course, your opposition to government by the consent of the governed today (long, long after early American style slavery is completely gone) is the reason you care so much about the war to end government by the consent of the governed. Obviously, government by the consent of the governed has never in human history been close to perfect, but you're galled to no end by the very ideal of free government as held up in the Declaration of Independence, principles claimed by the South and denied by the North from the time the first southern state seceded throughout the entire war and still denied by you today. As the northern abolitionist George Bassett wrote in early 1861: "It is said that the United States built and furnished the forts, dockyards, and custom houses in the seceding States, and, therefore, they are the common property of all the States. But, it will be remembered that, while the remaining States contributed to the public property of the seceding States, so did these in turn contribute to that of the remaining States. If it is found, in fact, that there is within the domain of the seceding States a disproportionate amount of public property, let the matter be adjusted by a rational negotiation. "In reference to this, as well as a proper division of the common public debt, and all other similar questions, the seceding States express the most becoming spirit and honorable intentions, as appears from the following article in the Constitution recently established. It is as follows: "'The government hereby instituted shall take immediate steps for the settlement of all matters between the States forming it, and their late confederates of the United States, in relation to the public property and public debt at the time of their withdrawal from them, these States hereby declaring it to be their wish and earnest desire to adjust everything pertaining to the common property, common liabilities, and common obligations of that Union upon principles of right, justice, equality, and good faith.' "This certainly looks like the olive branch of peace; and if we decline it, and attempt the fatal policy of coercion, will not the civilized world and the impartial record of history be against us?"
    1
  780. 1
  781. 1
  782. 1
  783. 1
  784. 1
  785. 1
  786. 1
  787. 1
  788. 1
  789. ​ @TheStapleGunKid  You say, "The proof is that..." What are you referring to? The proof of what? What particular point are you trying to prove? Like I said, if you want to pursue some deflection to your last losing argument, at least tell me what the point is you want to prove. In any case, Lincoln (nor the US Congress, nor any leading generals...) from the start of the Battle of Fort Sumter in April 1861 to Davis' capture in 1865 (or whatever other dates you want to use to mark the beginning and end of the war) never said he would concede anything to the Confederacy if they did anything about slavery, up to and including immediately freeing all the slaves (which the Union didn't even do with its slaves anytime during the war)... and Davis (nor the Confederate Congress nor the governor of any Confederate state nor any leading general...) at no point from the beginning to the end of the war ever said he would return to the union or otherwise back off the South's fight for independence if the North would recognize anything about slavery. If slavery had been a point of contention in the war, you'd be able to quote leaders of at least one of the two sides saying something like that. You can't. And not only can you not provide evidence of slavery ever having been a point of contention in the war, but you yourself have been unwilling to recognize anything the South could hypothetically have conceded about slavery that could have gotten you to recognize their right to choose their own government, to independence. So everything about slavery, even every possible hypothetical thing, is totally irrelevant to you when it comes to what the war was about.
    1
  790. 1
  791.  @TheStapleGunKid  "Staying in the Union meant the end of slavery." Seceding, even if the North had let the South secede in peace, meant the end of slavery, too, and abolitionists had heavily supported separating from the South precisely because they thought separation would bring about the end of slavery sooner than maintaining the union. But if you want it in the words of slave state leaders instead of abolitionists, you can have that, too: “...the dissolution of the Union was [speaking hypothetically, i.e. would be] the dissolution of slavery... Just as soon as Mason and Dixon's line and the Ohio river become the boundary between independent nations, slavery ceases in all the border states. How could we retain our slaves, when they, in one hour, one day, or a week at the furthest, could pass the boundary? Sooner or later, this process would extend itself farther and farther south, rendering slave labor so precarious and uncertain that it could not be depended upon; and consequently a slave would become almost worthless; and thus the institution itself would gradually, but certainly, perish... Slavery in the States would fall with the Union.” Congressman Underwood of Kentucky The simple fact is that the writing was on the wall for slavery, especially African slavery in the Americas, in 1860. And the forces that brought an end to slavery in Cuba and Brazil in the 1880's would have brought an end to slavery in the States, too, and "All these cries of having “abolished slavery,” ... are all gross, shameless, transparent cheats – so transparent that they ought to deceive no one – when uttered as justifications for the war, or for the government that has succeeded the war... or for compelling anybody to support a government that he does not want." (abolitionist Lysander Spooner) "To understand how slavery was the point of contention during the war, you need only answer two simple questions 1. If there was no slavery, would there have been a war? 2. If there was no war, would slavery have ended in all the states in December of 1865?" I could just as absurdly argue: To understand how monarchy was the point of contention during WWI, you need only answer two simple questions 1. If there was no monarchy, would there have been a war? 2. If there was no war, would monarchy have ended in all the axis states in 1918? Same stupid argument. It's just an evasive tactic for avoiding the fact that there's nothing at all about slavery that was a point of contention between the Confederacy and the North that you can name.
    1
  792. 1
  793. 1
  794. 1
  795. 1
  796. 1
  797. 1
  798.  @TheStapleGunKid  That question again that you previously ignored over and over again: What recourse do you think states should have if they believe other states have decided to simply trash the constitution? I can only think of two answers. I think if states don't want to honor the terms of the constitution, then they should secede. If other states are simply going to dishonor their constitutional oaths (at least according to the allegations of the other states), then (1) the states on the losing end of that alleged constitutional abuse can implore them to honor their commitment and if those other states still don't act honorably (according to the states making the allegations), then the only choices left to them are to declare the contract broken and the union dissolved (at least between them and the offending states) or they could choose to let it slide and continue in union with the allegedly dishonorable states; or (2) the other position, which I wouldn't support at all, but it's the only other answer I've heard, is that the federal government could somehow force compliance on the allegedly dishonorable states, but even if you think the federal government should use force to settle constitutional disputes between states (contradicting the Madison quote I shared), what recourse do you think states should have if the allegedly dishonorable states have enough power in DC to prevent force from being used against them (sufficient to satisfy the demands of the states alleging constitutional neglect)? What then? Do you think there should be no recourse for the states alleging their constitutional rights have been abused, unless they can get enough power in DC to be able to use force against the dishonorable states? Do you think majorities in DC (even if because of electoral college rules and such things they don't even represent a majority of the electorate, not even to the very limited extent that politicians do actually represent their voters) should have any effective checks on their abuse of the constitution? Or should a majority in DC be able to disregard he constitution with impunity, so long as it can maintain a majority in DC?
    1
  799. 1
  800. 1
  801. 1
  802. 1
  803. 1
  804.  @woodrowcall3158  > the confederacy wasn’t some innocent house wife By all means, yes, please, fill in the important details that you think justify a man physically beating a woman in order to deny her right to split up with him and maintain a relationship! Tell me the circumstances which you think justify maintaining a union on the basis of anything other than continued voluntary consent! Yes, the woman wasn't morally pure/sinless, that's for sure. So is your point that if your girlfriend does things that are immoral, that that gives you the right to physically beat her back into a relationship if she decides to split up with you? Keep in mind, the evil things your girlfriend was doing weren't against the law at the time and she had been doing these things since before you formed your relationship -- in fact you had been doing the same things yourself (just not to the extent she was) when you first formed your relationship, and you hadn't altogether quit doing them yourself at the point you denied her right to split up with you. If after entering your relationship you come to decide that the things your girlfriend is continuing to do are morally intolerable and you have no realistic hope of getting a law passed to make those things illegal -- and if the law, in fact, requires you to help your girlfriend do the immoral things she's doing so long as you're in a relationship with her (most notably, the fugitive slave clause), shouldn't you want to let her break up with you? Shouldn't you actually break up with her? But instead you feel justified in using violence and threats of violence to maintain that relationship, all while your president declares that he will "cheerfully" uphold "this provision [the legal requirement to help your girlfriend do the immoral things she's doing] as much as to any other"? > our collective resources > my weapons... my forts Why are the weapons and forts "yours" but the resources used to unjustly subjugate people "collective resources"? Weren't those weapons and forts which, after all, were on her property in her house? (Although you and your "wife" had formed a relationship, you had never cohabited, but had continued to live in separate houses on separate properties.) If you had felt that an unfair share of the weapons and forts built with your collective resources had wound up on your wife's property you could have sought different divorce terms, but you denied your wife's right to any share at all of the forts built with your collective resources, and refused even to sell those weapons and forts to your "wife," and instead you insisted on maintaining your own armed forces in your wife's house and maintaining control over the entrance to your wife's house after she told you she was done with the relationship. This is the model of union you're defending, isn't it?
    1
  805. 1
  806. 1
  807. 1
  808. 1
  809. 1
  810. 1
  811. 1
  812. 1
  813. 1
  814. 1
  815. 1
  816. 1
  817. 1
  818. 1
  819. 1
  820. 1
  821. 1
  822. 1
  823. 1
  824. 1
  825. 1
  826. 1
  827. 1
  828. 1
  829. 1
  830. 1
  831. 1
  832. 1
  833. 1
  834. 1
  835. 1
  836. 1
  837. 1
  838. 1
  839. 1
  840. 1
  841. 1
  842. 1
  843. 1
  844. 1
  845. 1
  846. 1
  847. 1
  848. 1
  849. 1
  850. 1
  851. 1
  852. 1
  853. 1
  854.  @TheStapleGunKid  The southern states were willing to accept an anti-slavery president, one who won the election legitimately (albeit with the lowest percentage of the popular vote -- less than 40% -- of any president from George Washington to Biden to win an outright majority in the electoral college), so long as that president and his party weren't seeking to turn the constitutionally limited republic that respected the constitutionally protected rights of political minorities into a democracy in which the "majority" (such as it was) could do whatever it wanted, disregarding whatever parts of the constitution it wanted to disregard. As the Georgia declaration of causes of secession said, "The people of Georgia have ever been willing to stand by this bargain, this contract..." South Carolina summarized what the would-be results of Republicans taking control of the executive branch by saying, "The guaranties of the Constitution will then no longer exist; the equal rights of the States will be lost. The slaveholding States will no longer have the power of self-government, or self-protection, and the Federal Government will have become their enemy." (And, of course, history proved them right on every point: the guaranties of the constitution no longer exist today (and haven't since the first Republican administration), the right of self-government that once made America exceptional is now dead, etc.) Texas said in its declaration of causes: "They have proclaimed, and at the ballot box sustained, the revolutionary doctrine that there is a 'higher law' than the constitution and laws of our Federal Union, and virtually that they will disregard their oaths and trample upon our rights." So it's undeniable that the southern states seceded over multiple allegations of constitutional violations (which they alone had the right to judge for themselves -- as James Madison said, "...there can be no tribunal, above their [the states'] authority, to decide, in the last resort, whether the compact made by them be violated...") An anti-slavery president needn't have sought to destroy the guaranties of the constitution, needn't have destroyed the equal rights of the states, needn't have destroyed the right of self-government, needn't have been the enemy of the slaveholding states... An anti-slavery administration that hadn't done those things the southern states could have accepted (not that they were under any obligation to accept any administration if another form of government seemed to them more likely to effect their safety and happiness.) But, in any case, the fact remains that the southern states fought for their right to self-government.
    1
  855. 1
  856. 1
  857. 1
  858. 1
  859. 1
  860. 1
  861. 1
  862. 1
  863.  @zenever0  But the war, in any case, was clearly all about control, about putting an end to "the Jeffersonian idea, that 'the best government is that which governs least," as Republicans proudly celebrated at the close of the war. Massachusetts abolitionist Lysander Spooner: "And to hide at once, if possible, both their servility and crimes, they attempt to divert public attention, by crying out that they have “Abolished Slavery!” That they have “Saved the Country!” ... "The pretense that the “abolition of slavery” was either a motive or justification for the war, is a fraud... And why did these men abolish slavery? Not from any love of liberty in general – not as an act of justice to the black man himself, but only “as a war measure,” ...in carrying on the war they had undertaken for maintaining and intensifying that political, commercial, and industrial slavery, to which they have subjected the great body of the people, both black and white. And yet these imposters now cry out that they have abolished the chattel slavery of the black man – although that was not the motive of the war – as if they thought they could thereby conceal, atone for, or justify that other slavery which they were fighting to perpetuate, and to render more rigorous and inexorable than it ever was before. ... "This, too, they call “Preserving our Glorious Union”; as if there could be said to be any Union, glorious or inglorious, that was not voluntary. Or as if there could be said to be any union between masters and slaves; between those who conquer, and those who are subjugated. All these cries of having “abolished slavery,” of having “saved the country,” of having “preserved the union,” ... are all gross, shameless, transparent cheats – so transparent that they ought to deceive no one – when uttered as justifications for the war, or for the government that has succeeded the war..."
    1
  864. 1
  865. 1
  866. 1
  867. 1
  868. 1
  869. 1
  870. 1
  871. 1
  872. 1
  873. 1
  874. 1
  875. 1
  876. 1
  877. 1
  878. 1
  879. 1
  880. 1
  881. 1
  882. 1
  883. 1
  884. 1
  885. 1
  886. 1
  887. Cornerstone speech: "...notwithstanding their [Republicans'] professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slave." Cornerstone speech: "This new constitution. or form of government, constitutes the subject to which your attention will be partly invited. In reference to it, I make this first general remark: it amply secures all our ancient rights, franchises, and liberties. All the great principles of Magna Charta are retained in it. No citizen is deprived of life, liberty, or property, but by the judgment of his peers under the laws of the land. The great principle of religious liberty, which was the honor and pride of the old constitution, is still maintained and secured. All the essentials of the old constitution, which have endeared it to the hearts of the American people, have been preserved and perpetuated. Some changes have been made. Some of these I should have preferred not to have seen made; but other important changes do meet my cordial approbation. They form great improvements upon the old constitution. So, taking the whole new constitution, I have no hesitancy in giving it as my judgment that it is decidedly better than the old. "Allow me briefly to allude to some of these improvements. The question of building up class interests, or fostering one branch of industry to the prejudice of another under the exercise of the revenue power, which gave us so much trouble under the old constitution, is put at rest forever under the new. We allow the imposition of no duty with a view of giving advantage to one class of persons, in any trade or business, over those of another. All, under our system, stand upon the same broad principles of perfect equality. Honest labor and enterprise are left free and unrestricted in whatever pursuit they may be engaged. This old thorn of the tariff, which was the cause of so much irritation in the old body politic, is removed forever from the new."
    1
  888. 1
  889. 1
  890. 1
  891. 1
  892. 1
  893. 1
  894. 1
  895. 1
  896. 1
  897. 1
  898. 1
  899. 1
  900.  @Rundstedt1  You keep repeating the same quote saying that a constitutional amendment (the only constitutionally legitimate way the federal government could have abolished slavery in the slave states) was the threat posed to slavery, as if you believe that. Now you say Missouri and Maryland voted for the 13th amendment, as if that would have happened apart from the war and all of Lincoln's violations of civil liberties in the North, etc. But even if Missouri and Maryland had been on the verge of abolishing slavery and voting for the 13th amendment apart from the war -- nonsense, but even if -- there still wouldn't be enough states, even today in 2021, even counting West Virginia, which presumably wouldn't have become a separate state, even counting Oklahoma which was already firmly on the side of slavery... to ratify the 13th amendment without the support of the other slave states (besides Maryland and Missouri.) You can keep spouting your nonsense about the Republicans "putting slavery on its path to its ultimate extinction" but until you can explain how they were going to do that, all that's left to your argument is your baseless faith that Yankees, even as they voted for the Corwin amendment irrevocably protecting slavery from federal interference, even as Lincoln raised no objections to its ratification, noting that it wouldn't have really changed anything anyway, were intrinsically holy and therefore deserved to rule over the deplorable South because of what they would one day in some inexplicable way do for the slaves. Not much has changed, has it?
    1
  901. 1
  902. 1
  903. 1
  904. 1
  905. 1
  906. 1
  907. 1
  908.  @Jeffrey-hu2gb  > the failed articles of confederation They didn't fail. As Patrick Henry said in the ratification debates on the constitution, "Consider our situation, sir: go to the poor man, and ask him what he does. He will inform you that he enjoys the fruits of his labor, under his own fig—tree, with his wife and children around him, in peace and security. Go to every other member of society, — you will find the same tranquil ease and content; you will find no alarms or disturbances." If you want to see a failure look to the war that resulted from the constitution. That's a failure. > the confederate government also did similar things in what Lincoln did that were deemed unconstitutional Every government does things that will be deemed unconstitutional, but the difference is what happens when the people of a whole state deem the constitutional compact broken. As Thomas Jefferson said, " the several States composing the United States of America, are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their General Government; but that, by a compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a General Government for special purposes, -- delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the General Government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force; that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an integral party, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party: that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress." Those are the foundations of freedom that Lincoln led the North in destroying (and if you want to blame Buchanan for starting the North down the path, that's fine by me.)
    1
  909. 1
  910.  @Jeffrey-hu2gb  Did you not see my previous comment. Your response seems to suggest you didn't. Here it is again: > the failed articles of confederation They didn't fail. As Patrick Henry said in the ratification debates on the constitution, "Consider our situation, sir: go to the poor man, and ask him what he does. He will inform you that he enjoys the fruits of his labor, under his own fig—tree, with his wife and children around him, in peace and security. Go to every other member of society, — you will find the same tranquil ease and content; you will find no alarms or disturbances." If you want to see a failure look to the war that resulted from the constitution. That's a failure. > the confederate government also did similar things in what Lincoln did that were deemed unconstitutional Every government does things that will be deemed unconstitutional, but the difference is what happens when the people of a whole state deem the constitutional compact broken. As Thomas Jefferson said, " the several States composing the United States of America, are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their General Government; but that, by a compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a General Government for special purposes, -- delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the General Government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force; that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an integral party, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party: that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress." Those are the foundations of freedom that Lincoln led the North in destroying (and if you want to blame Buchanan for starting the North down the path, that's fine by me.)
    1
  911. 1
  912. 1
  913. 1
  914. 1
  915. 1
  916. 1
  917.  @TheStapleGunKid  "The fact of the matter is Benning, Brown and the other Confederate leaders did full well believe what they said, and they were 100% right. As more and more free states were added to the Union, the slave states would face increasing pressure to abolish slavery..." Obviously you don't believe what they said would happen would have happened either, because that's not what Brown said. Politicians exaggerate the significance and consequences of their opponents' actions all the time. What are you saying? That politicians never exaggerate, particularly when talking about their political adversaries? Politicians from very Democratic states right now are talking about the draft Supreme Court opinion being a threat to abortion rights in their states. And what Benning said in the quote you just shared was more or less true. If the North had respected the constitution, not supported anti-Southern terrorism, and generally been a good and upright neighbor, anti-slavery would have spread, probably one state at a time, and then altogether at the end, much like it did in Brazil. And the same thing would basically have happened if the North had peacefully negotiated secession. What are you pretending? That slavery would have lasted forever in the South if the North had negotiated a peaceful secession? "Just 5 Union states ever ratified it..." How many Union states ratified it had nothing to do with my point. But your argument for why northern states wouldn't have ratified it is absurdly dishonest. You obviously can't make an honest argument. You don't seem like a straight up liar, which means it's amazingly pathetic what you force yourself to believe for the sake of worshiping your god, DC.
    1
  918. 1
  919. 1
  920. ​ @TheStapleGunKid  "you seem to deny what he said about slavery being "the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution," and the Confederacy being the first government in the history of the world founded specifically for preserving slavery." Of course, I deny it, because that's not what he said. He didn't say slavery was the cause. He said constitutional disputes and the agitations that arose from them were the cause. And it's flat earth, Holocaust denying crazy and 1984 level dishonest to suggest that Stephens was talking about a constitutionally legitimate threat of abolition as the cause of secession. And he didn't say anything about "preserving slavery" either. That's nothing but revisionist propaganda. "Stephens have personally believe that, but he was soon proven spectacularly wrong." Wrong? He said slavery would be more secure if the southern states remained in the Union. They seceded and slavery was abolished sooner than anyone imagined it would have been if the southern states hadn't seceded. Wrong? "And no, Benning and Brown's state didn't deny slavery was their reason for secession." What are you even talking about? What does it even mean for slavery to be a reason for secession? What precisely would you have expected them to deny? If one section of a union proves to another section of the union that it's going to trash the rule of law, and economically exploit the other section, and support murderous terrorism against them because they hate them, doing so under anti-slavery pretenses and claiming the political and economic advantages to their section are insignificant, would you summarize all that as "slavery"? If you're willing to be that dishonestly and misleadingly vague, then the problem isn't precisely that you're wrong but that you're being dishonestly and misleadingly vague. "they refused to accept the Union plan to ban on its expansion." They believed the constitution guaranteed that right, and the Supreme Court had already decisively ruled on the question, confirming their belief. What else might they have done, given the beliefs they held? Do you have a point? "their causes of complaint were 'in reference to the subject of African slavery'" So what? Is trashing the constitution justified if it's "in reference to" slavery? Is murderous terrorism justified if it's "in reference to" slavery? Is economic exploitation justified if it's "in reference"? Ending government by the consent of the governed? Hugely destructive and deadly wars of subjugation?
    1
  921. 1
  922.  @TheStapleGunKid  "He said of slavery: 'This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution.'" No, he didn't. That's a lie. "The cause of the Confederacy..." That's just a BS propaganda framework. What's the "cause" of the United States today? What are you trying to say? That the Confederacy stood for one thing and one thing only? Of course, that's exactly how ridiculous your argument is. And the "cause" that's really significant is the cause that the North was challenging, namely the southern states' self-govermment. Lincoln himself said whatever he did about slavery was all about denying the southern states their right to choose their own government. "He said the Union wanted to keep Texas to benefit from its slavery" Republicans were absolutely "disinclined" as Stephens said to give up the benefits of slavery, but that certainly doesn't mean they were inclined to let the southern states secede in peace, and after a couple years of extremely costly war with successful subjugation still uncertain, they were willing to let go of some things they had been disinclined to give up. As one Massachusetts abolitionist explained, "They had been such accomplices for a purely pecuniary consideration, to wit, a control of the markets in the South; in other words, the privilege of holding the slave-holders themselves in industrial and commercial subjection to the manufacturers and merchants of the North (who afterwards furnished the money for the war). And these Northern merchants and manufacturers, these lenders of blood-money, were willing to continue to be the accomplices of the slave-holders in the future, for the same pecuniary considerations. But the slave-holders, either doubting the fidelity of their Northern allies, or feeling themselves strong enough to keep their slaves in subjection without Northern assistance, would no longer pay the price which these Northern men demanded. And it was to enforce this price in the future – that is, to monopolize the Southern markets, to maintain their industrial and commercial control over the South – that these Northern manufacturers and merchants lent some of the profits of their former monopolies for the war, in order to secure to themselves the same, or greater, monopolies in the future. These – and not any love of liberty or justice – were the motives on which the money for the war was lent by the North. In short, the North said to the slave-holders: If you will not pay us our price (give us control of your markets) for our assistance against your slaves, we will secure the same price (keep control of your markets) by helping your slaves against you, and using them as our tools for maintaining dominion over you; for the control of your markets we will have, whether the tools we use for that purpose be black or white, and be the cost, in blood and money, what it may." Do you have any reason at all to doubt what Spooner said? "The point is George's motivation for secession was based around a desire to preserve and expand slavery." Except, as even Lincoln said, secession didn't "preserve" slavery against the leading grievances of the southern states (fugitive slaves not being returned from northern states and others). Nor was there any expansion involved in or even promised by secession. So your argument is complete BS.
    1
  923. 1
  924. 1
  925. 1
  926. 1
  927. 1
  928. 1
  929. 1
  930. 1
  931. 1
  932. 1
  933. 1
  934.  @dstblj5222  The constitution didn't have to be "unratified" any more than the Articles of Confederation had to be "unratified." The states wanting a new government for themselves just needed to choose a new government for themselves, just like happened with the 11 states that initially ratified the constitution in 1787-8 and the 11 states that ratified the Confederate constitution in 1861. What do you think was said in the Federalist Papers to deny the right of states to do precisely what the authors of the Federalist Papers were advocating at the time (i.e. the states forming a new government on their own authority)? "That it will be a federal and not a national act, as these terms are understood by the objectors; the act of the people, as forming so many independent States, not as forming one aggregate nation, is obvious from this single consideration, that it is to result neither from the decision of a majority of the people of the Union, nor from that of a majority of the States. It must result from the unanimous assent of the several States that are parties to it, differing no otherwise from their ordinary assent than in its being expressed, not by the legislative authority, but by that of the people themselves. Were the people regarded in this transaction as forming one nation, the will of the majority of the whole people of the United States would bind the minority, in the same manner as the majority in each State must bind the minority; and the will of the majority must be determined either by a comparison of the individual votes, or by considering the will of the majority of the States as evidence of the will of a majority of the people of the United States. Neither of these rules have been adopted. Each State, in ratifying the Constitution, is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act." Madison, Federalist #39
    1
  935.  @dstblj5222  "It adds to the stability and dignity, as well as to the authority, of the Constitution, that it rests on this legitimate and solid foundation. The states, then, being the parties to the constitutional compact, and in their sovereign capacity, it follows of necessity that there can be no tribunal, above their authority, to decide, in the last resort, whether the compact made by them be violated; and consequently, that, as the parties to it, they must themselves decide, in the last resort, such questions as may be of sufficient magnitude to require their interposition." Madison "However true, therefore, it may be, that the judicial department is, in all questions submitted to it by the forms of the Constitution, to decide in the last resort, this resort must necessarily be deemed the last in relation to the authorities of the other departments of the government; not in relation to the rights of the parties to the constitutional compact, from which the judicial, as well as the other departments, hold their delegated trusts. On any other hypothesis, the delegation of judicial power would annul the authority delegating it; and the concurrence of this department with the others in usurped powers, might subvert forever, and beyond the possible reach of any rightful remedy, the very Constitution which all were instituted to preserve." Madison "to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an integral party, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party: that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress." Jefferson
    1
  936.  @SovereignStatesman  What does legality ultimately matter, particularly when, as Thomas Jefferson said in the Kentucky Resolutions, "as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode & measure of redress"? “But whether the Constitution really be one thing, or another, this much is certain - that it has either authorized such a government as we have had, or has been powerless to prevent it.” --Lysander Spooner “Thirdly, the absolute command of Congress over the militia may be destructive of public liberty; for under the guidance of an arbitrary government, they may be made the unwilling instruments of tyranny. The militia of Pennsylvania may be marched to New England or Virginia to quell an insurrection occasioned by the most galling oppression, and aided by the standing army, they will no doubt be successful in subduing their liberty and independency. But in so doing, although the magnanimity of their minds will be extinguished, yet the meaner passions of resentment and revenge will be increased, and these in turn will be the ready and obedient instruments of despotism to enslave the others; and that with an irritated vengeance. Thus may the militia be made the instruments of crushing the last efforts of expiring liberty, of riveting the chains of despotism on their fellow-citizens, and on one another. This power can be exercised not only without violating the Constitution, but in strict conformity with it; it is calculated for this express purpose, and will doubtless be executed accordingly.” Address of the Minority of the Pennsylvania Ratifying Convention, 1787
    1
  937. 1
  938. 1
  939. 1
  940. 1
  941. 1
  942. 1
  943. 1
  944. 1
  945. 1
  946.  @kninezbanks  "Imagine if California wanted to leave the Union because Trump won the election.......What would the federal government do?....They would respond the exact same way the North did.....would they want to lose the richest state in the country? lose silicon valley? No......Also they have a duty to the Americans living in Cali...who don't want to leave the country." Just like England had a duty to wage war against the 13 colonies when they sought their independence, and just like European countries had a duty to wage war against every independence movement in every one of their colonies, and just like France had a duty to wage war against Algeria when it sought its independence (even though it wasn't a colony but fully a part of France, especially after 1947), and just like Moscow had a duty to wage war against all the former Soviet republics that seceded from the USSR, and which is to say no justifiable duty at all. "denying "why the south seceded".....southerners and flag flyers deny slavery as the main case" What about slavery do you believe was in dispute in the union that led the southern states to secede? Or is that a necessarily vague myth that your position depends on evading? "...sovereignty, which they sought out to FOREVER enshrine their rights to slavery and white supremacy." Are you trying to suggest that those rights were being disputed by the North? How do you figure that? Or are you just wanting to suggest what you know would be a lie to actually say? "Also, under the confederate constitution, individual confederate states, present or future would not have the right to abolish slavery..." That's a lie (whether you're knowingly lying or ignorantly repeating it).
    1
  947. 1
  948.  @brucebostick2521  Of course, you didn't answer a single one of my questions, my challenges to you, in my last comment, because your position depends on vague lies that can't be explained or exposed. "THAT, and much further expanded upon here, is what they, as a new govt, fought for!" You think that's what the North was challenging? No, you don't, but why are you pushing that lie? The fight between the North and South was about what the North and South couldn't agree about, couldn't even agree to disagree about. That's what every fight is about: what the sides can't agree about and can't agree to disagree about. “I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races …there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races from living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be a position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race.” -Lincoln Why do you feel the need to hide from the basic reality that wars are about what the two sides can't agree about and can't agree to disagree about? Because you're just like those degraded slaves that the abolitionist George Bassett described on the eve of the war, the kind of slaves that defended slavery: "But remember, that when South Carolina falls, she falls not alone. The suicidal hand which strikes down the sovereignty of the people of South Carolina, demolishes that of Massachusetts with it, and the whole fabric of American Liberty falls by the same stroke. Then not one star escapes from the galaxy of free sovereignties, but all are blotted out by this sweeping stroke of despotic usurpation. We are no longer a voluntary confederation of sovereign States, but each and all of us conquered provinces of a centralized and consolidated despotism. We of the North may be voluntary in this subjection, like the more degraded of slaves—yea, we may be the unnatural agents of it; but it is subjection still." "While slaveholders yelled about their "rights," under their beloved "Fugitive Slave Law," they, to a man, strongly supported govt support for slavers violently going north, into states that outlawed human slavery, seized African Americans while committing violence agst those opposing that vile institution, drug them back to slavery in the south." In other words, they supported the constitution: "No person held to service or labour in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due." And your position is obvious: if the party that you favor takes control of DC you want it to trash the rule of law, trash the constitution to advance its agenda, to use all power it can seize, the constitution be damned, to destroy its political opponents. That's your idea of democracy and of freedom and that of other degraded slaves like you. According to you, destroying the constitution and the rule of law and the democratic process is "saving our nation." As to the speech you referenced of Alexander Stephens, Stephens in that speech did indeed make it perfectly clear what was really at stake and what caused the war: "...the present administration of the United States the republican party... notwithstanding their professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slave."
    1
  949. 1
  950. 1
  951. 1
  952. 1
  953. 1
  954. 1
  955. 1
  956. 1
  957. 1
  958. 1
  959. 1
  960. 1
  961. 1
  962. 1
  963. 1
  964. 1
  965. 1
  966. 1
  967. 1
  968. 1
  969.  @MrHejke  > The South, on the other hand, seceded to protect its state's right, of which, sadly, upholding the institution of slavery was a key element. "Seceded to protect... upholding the institution of slavery" from what??? What are you trying to suggest seceding was intended to protect slavery from? What are you trying to suggest the seceding states thought would have happened to slavery if they hadn't seceded that seceding was intended to protect against? Just tell me as clearly and succinctly as you can in your own words. > The North started this war to keep the Union intact under a strong federal government. It's ridiculous to call any relationship in which the members are held in the relationship by violence and threats of violence a "union." If you're threatening to beat your partners in union (or actually violently beating them), you're destroying consent as the basis of your relationship, and any relationship not based on continuing consent isn't really a union, so you're doing the opposite of keeping the union intact. As one abolitionist said on the eve of the war, "...the doctrine of coercion... is the destruction of the government, because it is a political revolution. It is a change of the whole spirit of the government, from a confederacy of sovereign States, held together by mutual interest and common attachment, to a consolidated empire, bound together by military force. "...it is forgotten, that the true glory of our government—the queen beauty of our system is, that it ceases with the will of the people. Its true strength lies not in navies and battalions, but in the affections of the people. Numbers in our midst... are vainly boasting that we propose to show the world that we have a government that is strong enough to meet the exigency and to suppress rebellion. But they fail entirely to apprehend and appreciate the true theory of the American system. Their is the old European, and not the American, idea of government. ... "The true strength of a free government—and they are the strongest of all, is in the devoted attachment of its citizen sovereigns. Let this be forfeited, and the government falls. “A government which is strong by the exercise of military power over its own citizens, is not a free government, but a despotism."
    1
  970. 1
  971. 1
  972. 1
  973. 1
  974. 1
  975. 1
  976. 1
  977. 1
  978. 1
  979. 1
  980. 1
  981. 1
  982. 1
  983. 1
  984. 1
  985. 1
  986. 1
  987. 1
  988. 1
  989. 1
  990. 1
  991. 1
  992. 1
  993. 1
  994. 1
  995. 1
  996. 1
  997. 1
  998. 1
  999. 1
  1000. 1
  1001.  @TheStapleGunKid  Whatever the Emancipation Proclamation was about, it (1) came after both sides had already fully committed to war so provides no evidence as to why the South seceded and went to war (and the North officially declared that its purposes in the war had nothing to do with interfering with slavery, which Lincoln reaffirmed after issuing the preliminary emancipation proclamation), (2) didn't apply to the South as a whole (not even to all of the states that had seceded), and was conditional on the areas where it did "apply" (which I put in quotation marks, because it only applied where the North at the time had no power to enforce it) continuing to assert their independence beyond the effective date, which is to say it wouldn't have applied at all if those states had forfeited their American birthright (which was, of course, what the war was really about), and (3) was a war measure, and whatever effect it had on slavery was entirely incidental to its real purpose of subjugating the southern states, as Lincoln himself said. Add all that up and yes, absolutely, it's very fair to say the emancipation proclamation wasn't about the North abolishing slavery in the South. And, yes, Republicans didn't want power in order to help slaves, let alone abolish slavery in the South, which they had no constitutionally legitimate means of doing even if they had wanted to. Republicans wanted power for much the same reasons they want power today: to advance the big business interests that they represented. There was nothing they did with regards to slavery that wasn't in those interests. It didn't do slaves any good to keep them in the South and out of the territories. The benefits of that leading Republican plank accrued to Republicans, not slaves. "All of those things were about the main thing at stake in the war: Slavery." Ha ha! If only you could say what about slavery was at stake in the war! Did those things relate to slavery? The one things that's undeniably clear is that they didn't have anything whatsoever to do with the North abolishing slavery in the South.
    1
  1002.  @TheStapleGunKid  "You can't reasonably say something was not about doing something it actually did." So you think US participation in WWII was about supporting communism? Or are you just making another stupid, indefensible argument? Of course, you are, because you yourself said it would be absurd to claim that WWI was about digging trenches. "Also, claiming 'it only applied where the North at the time had no power to enforce it', is just silly." Call the historical facts "silly" if you want, but they're still the historical facts. The fact is the Emancipation Proclamation wasn't enforced in any part of the South (or the border states) that were under Union control at the time the Emancipation Proclamation took effect, because it only "applied" where the Union didn't have the power to put it into effect at the time. As the London (England) Spectator said at the time, “The Union government liberates the enemy’s slaves as it would the enemy’s cattle, simply to weaken them in the conflict. The principle is not that a human being cannot justly own another, but that he cannot own him unless he is loyal to the United States.” "To preserve and expand slavery." Here you are begging the question again. None of the things in that long list was about the North abolishing slavery in the South, and therefore, there was nothing to "preserve" slavery against. And the war certainly wasn't about the Confederacy trying to expand its borders by taking territory from the North (or anyone else.) Even you don't believe that BS, but maybe you're enough of a liar to say you do. The day after the preliminary emancipation proclamation was issued Lincoln said, "Understand, I raise no objections against it [slavery] on legal or constitutional grounds … I view the matter [emancipation] as a practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion [sic]." And you say it was about the North abolishing slavery in the South - ha!
    1
  1003. 1
  1004. 1
  1005. 1
  1006. 1
  1007. 1
  1008. 1
  1009. 1
  1010. 1
  1011. 1
  1012. 1
  1013. 1
  1014. 1
  1015. 1
  1016. 1
  1017. 1
  1018. 1
  1019. 1
  1020. 1
  1021. 1
  1022. 1
  1023. 1
  1024. 1
  1025. 1
  1026. 1
  1027. 1
  1028. 1
  1029. 1
  1030. 1
  1031. 1
  1032. 1
  1033. 1
  1034. 1
  1035. 1
  1036. 1
  1037. 1
  1038. 1
  1039. 1
  1040.  @jaranarm  "The UK signed a mutual treaty with the EU for all sides to recognize its departure and independence from the trade union." Are you referring to the EU as a "trade union." Are you saying it's necessary to sign a treaty in order to exit a trade union? Would the US not be able to exit NAFTA/USMCA without a treaty that all the members states of NAFTA/USMCA mutually agreed to? What do you think would happen if a country tried to exit a trade union without signing an exit treaty beyond that member state simply ceasing to receive (or give) the advantages of the treaty? Your "trade union" foolishness aside, I guess the UK did finally sign an exit treaty, but a No-Deal Brexit was a very real possibility that was much talked about and would have involved nothing more than the discontinuation of special arrangements, certainly nothing essential to the state sovereignty of the UK or the power of the EU. And it's not true that the "The UK signed a mutual treaty with the EU for all sides to recognize its departure and independence..." The treaty had nothing to do with recognizing the UK's departure or independence. The treaty was about EU relations following the UK's departure and independence, which facts didn't depend on the subsequent treaty whatsoever. "It was born purely out of mob rule, nothing more." By "mob rule" do you mean the democratic process? Does representative democracy, by the way, not count as "democratic process" in your book? In any case, the North never contested the process by which the southern states expressed their will; the North contested the right of the southern states to unilaterally secede completely regardless of the process by which they would express their will. But, of course, your argument is little more than obfuscation of the relevant facts.
    1
  1041. 1
  1042. 1
  1043. 1
  1044. 1
  1045. 1
  1046. 1
  1047. 1
  1048. 1
  1049. 1
  1050. 1
  1051. 1
  1052. The war obviously wasn't fought to free slaves. If we're having any kind of honest discussion, then we first need to recognize that for the complete BS myth that it is. If the war had been a war that could be simply summarized as a war over slavery, then (1) both sides wouldn't have practiced slavery throughout the entire war, (2) pro-slavery states, states that voted against the 13th amendment even after the war, wouldn't have fought on the supposedly anti-slavery side, (3) the supposedly anti-slavery side wouldn't have repeatedly and categorically denied any purpose of interfering with slavery, even to the extent of offering to irrevocably amend the constitution to prohibit federal interference with slavery in the slave states, and (4) instead of the North telling the slave states they could keep their slaves if they forfeited their independence, the North would have told the slave states they could have their independence if they freed the slaves. Obviously independence, not slavery, was the central issue. And if slavery was even a secondary issue, it was only a future hypothetical issue, a question of what the North might do in the future, not anything it was doing at the time; neither side went to war making any slavery-related demands whatsoever of the other side. So the clear and obvious and most direct answer to the question of what caused the war is that South Carolina wanted to govern itself, Buchanan and Lincoln and the North more generally didn't recognize their right to declare independence, and then war broke out over the question of whether South Carolina (and the states that sided with South Carolina, some initially choosing not to secede for the reasons South Carolina seceded but then later choosing to side with the Confederacy only after and in response to Lincoln's call to go to war to force the states that had already seceded back under DC control.) If the fundamental questions we're getting at are whether the Union was justified in waging war to deny the states' right to secede or whether the Confederacy was justified in fighting for its right to declare independence and self-govern, then the secondary question of what caused South Carolina (or any of the states that followed) to want to declare independence in the first place is ultimately as unimportant to me as the question of why an employee decided to quit his job in the context of a discussion of whether his employer has a right to deny him the right to quit and use force to beat him back into submission. Combine that fundamental principle (just government requiring the consent of the governed) with the absurd misrepresentations exposed by 4 the slavery-related facts I listed at the beginning, and then any honest person out to be able to see strong reasons for at least seriously doubting (if not outright rejecting) any slavery-based arguments for justifying the Union cause in the war and condemning the Confederate cause in the war.
    1
  1053. 1
  1054. ​ @Rebel-cd6gc  > Preserve means maintain as is. Americans in 1776 maintained slavery as is after seceding, so then you're not saying anything about Southerners in 1861 that you couldn't equally accurately say about Americans in 1776. But no one talks about Americans "preserving" slavery in 1776, because no one actually believes the definition you gave of "preserve" makes sense to use. But preserving actually means more than what you just said. If you talk about canning tomatoes to preserve them you're also necessarily implying that those tomatoes aren't going to be stored in a deep freezer where bacteria wouldn't be active anyway. You're implying that the person canning those tomatoes expects something to happen to the tomatoes if he doesn't can them that he intends to prevent by canning them. And that's the lie you (whether knowingly or foolishly repeating others' lies) are trying to hide behind the dishonest use of those words: the only reason to speak of the South "preserving" slavery is to imply what would clearly be a lie to say directly, namely the lie that the North was trying to abolish slavery. > attempting to ensure it isn't taken away And how was seceding any sort of attempt to ensure it wasn't taken away? What's the connection? How are you trying to suggest it could have been taken away if they hadn't seceded, such that it could make any sense to say what you said? Are you trying to suggest, for example, that a constitutional amendment abolishing slavery could have been forced on the southern states? But there's zero evidence/mention of an abolition amendment in any of the declarations of causes of secession. There are, of course, plenty of specifics in the declarations, so tell me specifically what could have happened that's specifically described in the declarations of causes that you think seceding was intended to avoid or prevent. Your claim is either just vague nonsense or it's historically baseless and easily disproved. > Lincoln reassured he would keep it around in order to keep the union. The Southern States didn't trust his words The declarations of causes say nothing about Lincoln abolishing slavery. > If Lincoln was running things chances were good that he would stop it. How could a president have abolished slavery if they hadn't seceded anyway? What an absurd myth! But, please, if you think it's more than an absurd myth, try to flesh it out for me. > Lincoln had also spoken out against it in a moral sense And do you think seceding was an attempt to ensure Lincoln didn't continue speaking out against it in a moral sense? Obviously there's no support for your argument there either. And, of course, it's absurd to equate speaking out against it with taking it away, as if a politician speaking out against the opposite party is equal to a politician trying to abolish the opposite party and deport all its members. > You just have to go through the history of the south afterwards to see how much more inferior they viewed African Americans. Northerners (including Lincoln) likewise thought blacks were inferior. But you're just arguing with a straw man if you're arguing against the idea that Southerners didn't want to continue practicing slavery. I've already made it very clear that the problem with your argument isn't that the South didn't want to continue practicing slavery; the problem is that Lincoln and the Republican-led North weren't trying to abolish slavery. If they had been trying to abolish slavery, maybe the South would have fought to stop them, but they clearly didn't fight to stop the North from doing what the North wasn't doing in the first place.
    1
  1055. 1
  1056. 1
  1057. 1
  1058. 1
  1059. 1
  1060. 1
  1061. 1
  1062. 1
  1063. 1
  1064. 1
  1065. 1
  1066. 1
  1067. 1
  1068. 1
  1069. 1
  1070. 1
  1071. 1
  1072. 1
  1073. 1
  1074. 1
  1075. 1
  1076. 1
  1077. 1
  1078. 1
  1079. 1
  1080.  @gunshotlagoon922  "political delegates held in private conventions" Private conventions? What do you mean by "private"? Do you mean like the constitutional convention in Philadelphia in 1787? "a MAJOR decision of which the public was left out of" That's the way representative democracy works, right? What decision has the American public had any say in in the last 200 years if you don't count their representatives? "if they held a region-wide referendum it would not pass" BS! You're just inventing complete lies with no historical basis. South Carolina's representatives voted unanimously to secede. What evidence is there of any substantial popular opposition to secession from the electorate? None. And even the states that were initially divided enough to oppose secession voted overwhelmingly to secede -- North Carolina was unanimous, for example -- after Lincoln called to forcibly subjugate the states that had already seceded. Given a choice, as they were, between secession and government by subjugation, the southern people overwhelmingly supported secession. "The Cherokee were... that's the ONLY reason they sided with..." Why they sided with government by the consent of the governed and the constitution is completely beside the point. The point is not what the Cherokee did in October but what the southern people supported between December 1860 and May 1861 when the southern states voted to secede. You can throw ad hominem attacks at the Cherokee nation to misrepresent their own decision in October, but you have no basis for questioning their assessment of the facts of the people of the southern states support for secession when the question was decided earlier in the southern states, particularly after Lincoln's call to deny the southern states the right to choose their own government even after the northern states had already broken the constitutional compact.
    1
  1081. 1
  1082. 1
  1083. 1
  1084. 1
  1085. 1
  1086. 1
  1087. 1
  1088. 1
  1089. 1
  1090.  @pulpficti  Certainly not because Republicans were going to somehow abolish slavery in the South. Is that what you think? Or what do you think? But to answer your question myself, they seceded because they didn't want to be ruled by a political party that (1) didn't represent them and their interests at all but was rather entirely a sectional party and that (2) not only didn't represent their interests but was so outright hostile to their interests (probably mainly for the sake of stoking sectional animosities that they could exploit to their political advantage) that it had even supported and celebrated the murder -- murder! -- of random citizens of their states, and which (3) had proven that it would advance the North's interests at their expense without even respecting the terms of union and the limits imposed by the constitution (which is to say accepting their rule wouldn't mean accepting Republican rule for the sake of continuing in the union founded on the constitution but rather would mean forfeiting the constitution and the rule of law as the basis of government.) And that's precisely how South Carolina, for example, summarized the alternative of what continuing under Republican rule would have meant, "The guaranties of the Constitution will then no longer exist; the equal rights of the States will be lost. The slaveholding States will no longer have the power of self-government, or self-protection, and the Federal Government will have become their enemy. Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the irritation..."
    1
  1091. 1
  1092. 1
  1093. 1
  1094. 1
  1095. 1
  1096. 1
  1097. 1
  1098. 1
  1099. 1
  1100. 1
  1101. 1
  1102. 1
  1103. 1
  1104. 1
  1105. 1
  1106. 1
  1107. 1
  1108. 1
  1109. 1
  1110. 1
  1111. 1
  1112. 1
  1113. 1
  1114. 1
  1115. 1
  1116. 1
  1117. "The only idea they have ever manifested as to what is a government of consent, is this – that it is one to which everybody must consent, or be shot." -Lysander Spooner "Ours is a government founded upon the consent of sovereign States, and will be itself destroyed by the very act whenever it attempts to maintain or perpetuate its existence by force over its respective members. The surest way to check any inclination in North Carolina to quit our sisterhood, if any such really exist even to the most limited extent among her people, is to show them that the struggle is continued, as it was begun, for the maintenance of constitutional liberty. If, with this great truth ever before them, a majority of her people should prefer despotism to liberty, I would say to her, as to a wayward sister, 'depart in peace.'" -Alexander Stephens "...it is forgotten, that the true glory of our government—the queen beauty of our system is, that it ceases with the will of the people. Its true strength lies not in navies and battalions, but in the affections of the people. Numbers in our midst... are vainly boasting that we propose to show the world that we have a government that is strong enough to meet the exigency and to suppress rebellion. But they fail entirely to apprehend and appreciate the true theory of the American system. Their is the old European, and not the American, idea of government... “The true strength of a free government—and they are the strongest of all, is in the devoted attachment of its citizen sovereigns. Let this be forfeited, and the government falls. “A government which is strong by the exercise of military power over its own citizens, is not a free government, but a despotism. “Instead of the peaceful separation of these States being a disgrace to our government in the eyes of the world, it will constitute in all coming time its truest glory, and will demonstrate the infinite superiority of the voluntary system of self-government over the despotic usurpations of the past.” -George Bassett
    1
  1118. 1
  1119. 1
  1120. 1
  1121. 1
  1122. 1
  1123. 1
  1124.  @TheStapleGunKid  The Joseph Brown quote? Is that all you have? If it's such an anomaly, why even look at it? Or is the rest of the evidence too hard for you to twist and misrepresent like you do the Brown quote? As for Mosby, you can't really call something a lie that's too vague to be either proven or disproven. What was he saying was at stake? The fugitive slave clause? The 13th amendment? Or what? Of course, he didn't say. No one defending the North ever does. Why was he defending the North? Why do corporate executives today practically without exception say that racism and "institutional racism" are THE reason blacks get shot more often by cops? Because you don't get rewarded by corporate America or by the railroads for speaking the truth. You get rewarded by corporate America by spouting whatever the politically correct nonsense of the day is, by proving yourself willing to completely sell out. But who cares what Mosby said decades after the fact? What did Southerners say of the war at the time of the war? Nothing of the sort. What they said were things like: "...it has been reserved for your own State, so lately one of the original thirteen, but now, thank God, fully separated from them, to become the theatre of a great central camp, from which will pour forth thousands of brave hearts to roll back the tide of this [fill in the blank]." What do you think that Southern leader said in June of 1861? Abolitionism? Why can't you find any Southerner actually saying so of the war at the time of the war? Because it's a revisionist propaganda lie. The best you can do is find some vague statement by a corporate sell-out decades after the fact. Pathetic.
    1
  1125. 1
  1126. 1
  1127.  @TheStapleGunKid  "The idea that the threats to slavery the Southern leaders identified as their reason for secession didn't apply anymore after the war started is ridiculous. Of course they did." Then show me where they substantiated your still undefined myth after the war started. It's mighty suspicious that the best you can do is to quote a Southerner that moved North and went to work for Republican robber barons and said some vague thing three decades after the fact. "...a clear desire to preserve slavery." To continue practicing slavery, yes. To protect slavery against some mysterious threat that you can only allude to but can't define... some threat posed by remaining in the Union that seceding protected against... of course not, hence your dependence on vague quotes from multiple decades after the end of the war. What the declarations of causes of secession actually say is plenty clear. The South thought the North was trashing the constitution with respect to the fugitive slave clause, with respect to their rights to the territories... things that seceding didn't protect... but the South wasn't going to let the North rule over them for their profit (as the declarations of causes clearly show the southern states understood) without any regard for the constitution and without any legal limits... all while seeking to ruin the South even to the extent of supporting murderous terrorism against random Southerners. You can read. And you can't even articulate your alternative myth.
    1
  1128. 1
  1129. 1
  1130. 1
  1131. 1
  1132. 1
  1133. 1
  1134. 1
  1135. 1
  1136. 1
  1137. 1
  1138. 1
  1139. 1
  1140. 1
  1141. 1
  1142.  @oscarbenigsen4538  > If two or more people join in an acceptance of a common statement of terms, then that acceptance constitutes a union. If even one of the union's members should "withdraw" from that union, the union is broken. So the EU, by your terminology, was "broken" when the UK withdrew. > The parties agreed that their first union was weak and that they needed a better union. But only 11 of the 13 parties agreed that the proposed alternative was an improvement. And only 11 of the 13 parties initially chose to accept the new "statement of terms," as you put it, which "constitutes a union," and therefore the old union was "broken," right? > The government must fail to permit its subjects equal freedom of the pursuit of happiness. So how did the government established by the Articles of Confederation "fail to permit its subjects equal freedom of the pursuit of happiness"? Rather some of the states just decided on their own sovereign authority (just like the 13 states had in 1776) that they preferred another system of government, and that was sufficient. > The South withdrew from The Union without having a roundly established agreement as to whether such a thing was acceptable. And in 1788 11 states withdrew from the previous union without all the parties agreeing to it, but Americans still understood at that time that North Carolina didn't have any right to deny Delaware the right to choose a different government together with whichever other states wanted to join Delaware. > There was no protest against it. You're not asserting that North Carolina would have had a right to "protest" and deny the other states the right to establish the new government for themselves, are you? They didn't protest because everyone agreed there was no such right to protest. > The consent clause is not unlimited So consent doesn't really mean consent? Lack of consent only matters if the rulers that want to rule over you without your consent want to accept your reasons for not consenting? Do you say the same thing to slaves? Their lack of consent to their "employment" only matters if their masters agree to their reasons for not consenting to their enslavement? No, the standard in the Declaration of Independence is whenever it to them, the seceders, shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness, i.e. whenever they want to. And anything beyond that is just out of "respect to the opinions of mankind," but rights aren't contingent on others' opinions.
    1
  1143. 1
  1144. 1
  1145. 1
  1146. 1
  1147.  @sabin97  A formal declaration of the purpose of the war issued by the side in the war that invaded the other side is "cute"? You're not sure what more evidence anyone would need? You'd have to rebut things like formal declarations of the purpose of the war by the Union more seriously than merely dismissing them as "cute." But before we can even get to the evidence, I need you to explain what you're even trying to prove: what specifically do you mean when you say the war was about slavery? What could the South have done "about slavery" to end the war? Obviously, nothing. Lincoln went to war even supporting an irrevocable constitutional amendment protecting slavery. Lincoln: "a proposed amendment to the Constitution... has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service... holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable." So that takes us back to the question of what you mean when you say the war was about slavery. But even if I grant the absurdity that respecting the United States' declared founding principles and allowing the 7 states that seceded pre-war to peacefully secede was an impossibility and therefore whatever motivated the first 7 states (so not counting VA, NC, TN, and AR) to secede was what the entire Confederacy was fighting for and the Union was fighting against -- which would lead to the absurdity of arguing that what the Confederacy and Union were fighting for and against were really irrelevant to what the war was about -- you'd still have to explain what about slavery was at stake if none of the southern states had seceded. For sure, the southern states wanted to continue practicing slavery in 1860-61. (So did some of the states that fought on the side of the Union, so that obviously doesn't prove much by itself.) But if you're suggesting that the South seceded because the North was threatening to abolish slavery or some such thing, you'll have to explain what you're saying and then provide evidence to back it up.
    1
  1148. 1
  1149. 1
  1150. 1
  1151. 1
  1152. 1
  1153. 1
  1154. 1
  1155. 1
  1156. 1
  1157. 1
  1158.  @TheStapleGunKid  "Living in a nation that enforces its laws is not the same thing as slavery." Not if that government derives its powers from and if those powers stand or fall on the consent of the governed. But if a government's rule is forced on any people without their continuing consent, then it is absolutely a form of slavery. "And of course, if you think "The absolute proof that DC rule was no free government was when it began to impose its rule on the southern states without their consent," then you must also think the absolute proof that the CSA was no free government was when it began to impose its rule on West Virginia without its consent." Is that your excuse for avoiding and denying the fact that DC in 1861 proved it was no free government? "A rebellion is just fighting against government authority. Whether or not that involves seeking freedom depends entirely on the context for doing so." And do you say the same about the slave that rebels against his master trying to get out from under his control and gain the power of self-government? Do you say, "Whether or not that slave's rebellion against his master in trying to get out from under his control involves seeking freedom depends entirely on the context for doing so"? How many comments have you made now without addressing that central question of this thread? Why do you go to such trouble to defend principles that you're ashamed to defend except by deflection? "If a bunch of murderers want to rebel against a nation so they can keep murdering people, then obviously they aren't rebelling to seek freedom." Nat Turner included?
    1
  1159.  @TheStapleGunKid  "You're using an anarchist standard" Do you really not know where the line "governments... deriv[e] their just powers from the consent of the governed" comes from? "I was just pointing out how the CSA violated..." And that's your excuse for destroying government by the consent of the governed? Even if that is your excuse, it remains a lie to say that the southern states already had freedom. That was unambiguously proven to be a lie when DC went to war to subjugate the southern states to its rule against their will. You said, "A rebellion is just fighting against government authority. Whether or not that involves seeking freedom depends entirely on the context for doing so." In response I asked, And do you say the same about the slave that rebels against his master trying to get out from under his control and gain the power of self-government? Do you say, "Whether or not that slave's rebellion against his master in trying to get out from under his control involves seeking freedom depends entirely on the context for doing so"? You answered, "No because living under a democratically elected government in a nation isn't the same thing as..." So the difference you're now drawing between (a) rebelling and trying to get out from the control of others and to gain self-government and (b) "seeking freedom" is completely detachable from any and everything to do with African slavery? And it doesn't depend, as you said earlier, "on the context for doing so [for trying to get out from under the control of others and gain the power self-government]", but the reason the southern states' "rebellion" can't be called "seeking freedom" is simply because you deny any possibility of "seeking freedom" for a people that you would say are "living under a democratically elected government in a nation"? For example, you would definitively say that the Algerian people were not and could not have been "seeking freedom" when they rebelled against France in 1961 (to pick just one year) because they were "living under a democratically elected government in a nation." Or are you going to abandon both those earlier arguments and move on to indefensible argument #3 now? "If a bunch of murderers want to rebel against a nation so they can keep murdering people, then obviously they aren't rebelling to seek freedom." "Nat Turner wasn't rebelling for the specific purpose of continuing to murder people." So the difference between seeking freedom and not seeking freedom can be illustrated by the difference between (a) a bunch of murderers that are rebelling and murdering a people and intending to continue murdering people and (b) a bunch of murderers that are rebelling for the specific purpose of continuing to murder people? People can be "seeking freedom" if they're murdering people (women and children included) and have every intention and desire of continuing to do so, but not if that's their "specific purpose"? And what then was Nat Turner's "specific purpose"? Of course, it would be begging the question to say "seeking freedom" or escaping slavery. Your standard requires asking and judging what people want to do with their freedom in order to determine whether they are actually seeking it, right?
    1
  1160.  @TheStapleGunKid  Even you wouldn't deny that the southern states were seeking independence from DC and the North, would you? But you're saying there's a difference between seeking independence and seeking freedom, and that difference comes down to what one wants to do with one's independence or one's motivation for seeking independence or something like that, and you think what someone wants to do with his independence determines whether his seeking independence can be called seeking freedom? I, of course, don't believe there's any difference between seeking independence, seeking to get out from someone else's control, seeking self-government... and seeking freedom. If someone is seeking to get out from someone else's control, then he's seeking freedom. If someone is seeking independence, then he's seeking freedom. What he wants to do with his freedom (or whatever else you want to call it) is irrelevant to question of whether he's seeking freedom. Just as freedom of speech must be content neutral to be true freedom of speech, just as true freedom of speech can't depend on whether a person is saying something good or bad, neither can freedom from someone else's control/the freedom of self-government/freedom in general depend on what someone wants to do with his freedom (or whatever else you want to call it.) As I said originally, saying that when the southern states sought their freedom that the ensuing conflict was "complicated" is like saying that when a slave sought his freedom from his slave master that the ensuing beating was "complicated." It's really not. People have a right to self-government. That ought to be very simple. Likewise, however much freedom a master grants his slaves is irrelevant to the question of whether a slave that seeks to get out from under the control of his master is seeking freedom. No matter how much freedom a master gave his slaves, it's entirely fair to say that a slave seeking to get out from under the control of his master is seeking freedom, just like any person or people seeking independence and self-government can fairly be said to be seeking freedom (at least if their masters/rulers wouldn't freely grant it.) "Claiming they didn't have freedom just because they were not legally allowed to take over part of the United States..." Claiming that Algerians didn't have freedom just because they were not legally allowed to take over part of France and turn it into an Islamic republic... is actually fair, just like claiming any people didn't have freedom just because they were denied the right to independence and self-government is fair.
    1
  1161.  @TheStapleGunKid  "They already had freedom in the United States. They had full representation and participation in the government." The same could be said for Algeria in France. Does that prove Algerians weren't seeking freedom (by whatever your crazy definition of freedom you're using, if your use of the word means anything at all)? "If they didn't like the laws they could work to change them or just leave the United States and go to some other nation." And if a larger, more populous democratic country -- not that our electoral college system or other aspects of our federal government are really even democratic -- conquers a smaller country and seeks to incorporate that smaller country into itself and give those people citizenship rights (similar to the way the United States took over American Indian nations or Hawaii, even if those weren't all outright conquests), would you say to the people of that smaller country that if they don't like the laws they could just work to change them or just leave their former country and go to some other nation? And would you say that fact proves that when they resisted conquest by the larger country there's no way they could have been fighting for their freedom? That's the absurdity of your logic. "because they didn't like the results of a free and fair election they agreed to participate in." They didn't dispute the right of the politicians that won their elections to rule. They just chose not to be ruled by that government any more. If you're part of any other organization (a church, a club, a business partnership...) that elects its leaders, and that organization moves through its elections in a direction you don't want to move with it, then it's perfectly normal reasonable to choose to leave that organization without disputing the right of whoever won the election to continue to lead the organization with whoever wants to remain in it. The current split in the Methodist church, for example, is the result of differences over votes that denomination has held. The UK voted to leave the EU because it objected to policies that resulted from EU elections, but the UK didn't dispute the right of the other EU member states to be ruled by the winners of those elections, and the UK didn't try to destroy the EU, and the UK didn't dispute the right of any other member state that wanted to remain in the EU to remain. Your questions about freedom of speech and movement are questions I'd definitely like to answer, but I'm out of time for now.
    1
  1162. 1
  1163. 1
  1164. 1
  1165. 1
  1166. 1
  1167. 1
  1168. 1
  1169. 1
  1170. 1
  1171. 1
  1172. 1
  1173. 1
  1174. 1
  1175. 1
  1176. 1
  1177.  @davidmcpherson7451  "Lincoln was a moral man of high character" If a moral man of high character has a partner that wants to leave him for whatever reason, does he physically beat his partner into submission to "preserve the union." What kind of union is based on people being beaten into submission rather than on consent? "and wanted slavery gone" Probably not. Plenty of people at the time didn't believe it. Consider what both an abolitionist and the vice president of the Confederacy said about him and his party: Lysander Spooner: "...these lenders of blood money [whose "servile, slavish, villainous tool" Lincoln was] had, for a long series of years previous to the war, been the willing accomplices of the slave-holders... They had been such accomplices for a purely pecuniary consideration, to wit, a control of the markets in the South; in other words, the privilege of holding the slave-holders themselves in industrial and commercial subjection to the manufacturers and merchants of the North (who afterwards furnished the money for the war). And these Northern merchants and manufacturers, these lenders of blood-money, were willing to continue to be the accomplices of the slave-holders in the future, for the same pecuniary considerations. But the slave-holders, either doubting the fidelity of their Northern allies, or feeling themselves strong enough to keep their slaves in subjection without Northern assistance, would no longer pay the price which these Northern men demanded. And it was to enforce this price in the future – that is, to monopolize the Southern markets, to maintain their industrial and commercial control over the South – that these Northern manufacturers and merchants lent some of the profits of their former monopolies for the war, in order to secure to themselves the same, or greater, monopolies in the future. These – and not any love of liberty or justice – were the motives on which the money for the war was lent by the North. In short, the North said to the slave-holders: If you will not pay us our price (give us control of your markets) for our assistance against your slaves, we will secure the same price (keep control of your markets) by helping your slaves against you, and using them as our tools for maintaining dominion over you; for the control of your markets we will have, whether the tools we use for that purpose be black or white, and be the cost, in blood and money, what it may.... "The pretense that the “abolition of slavery” was either a motive or justification for the war, is a fraud of the same character with that of “maintaining the national honor.” Who, but such usurpers, robbers, and murderers as they, ever established slavery? Or what government, except one resting upon the sword, like the one we now have, was ever capable of maintaining slavery? And why did these men abolish slavery? Not from any love of liberty in general – not as an act of justice to the black man himself, but only “as a war measure,” and because they wanted his assistance, and that of his friends, in carrying on the war they had undertaken for maintaining and intensifying that political, commercial, and industrial slavery, to which they have subjected the great body of the people, both black and white." "...notwithstanding their [Republicans'] professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slave." Stephens, March 1861
    1
  1178. 1
  1179. 1
  1180. 1
  1181. 1
  1182. 1
  1183. 1
  1184. 1
  1185. 1
  1186. 1
  1187. 1
  1188. 1
  1189. 1
  1190. 1
  1191. 1
  1192. 1
  1193. 1
  1194. ​ @houstonhayward1113  The CSA was only a failed state in the sense that the Second Polish Republic became a "failed state" when Hitler and Stalin invaded, conquered, and subjugated the people of Poland. Obviously the Vice President of the Confederacy either didn't take the preamble of the Confederate Constitution to mean what you're wanting to make it out to mean -- and I challenge you to provide any evidence that any leading Southerner did -- or he was willing to disregard it. Either way, that's dramatically more respect for the principles of the US Declaration of Independence than can be found from any leading Republican of that time. And it shows that at least some Southerners did indeed take a principled stand for the right not to be ruled over by any government except as they would freely consent to as individual states. And why must there be a "legal mechanism" for secession anyway? The Confederacy went to war to defend the right to secede apart from any constitutionally defined legal mechanism. They very clearly didn't believe the right to secession depended on constitutionally spelled out mechanisms. I don't know what you take "states rights" to mean, but to the extent it includes the right to secede, which is how some people would define the term, then that was undeniably what the war was about, right? I agree that a speech from one politician, even a vice president, doesn't necessarily reflect a government's position as well as that government's actions, which can sometimes contradict each other to varying degrees. There is plenty of evidence in the changes made from the US Constitution in establishing the Confederate Constitution that the CSA was fighting against a tyrannical federal government, including the preamble you quoted and its clarification that the CSA was a confederacy in which "each state [was] acting in its sovereign and independent character..." As for the use of the word "permanent," that can probably best be understood in the context of the explicitly "provisional" constitution passed just a month earlier.
    1
  1195.  @houstonhayward1113  What evidence is there that the word "permanent" was not in reference to the Constitution, particularly when it replaced a provisional constitution from just a month earlier? Do you think it's true just because you want it to be true? Aren't federal representatives supposed to live in their districts anyways? You think there's something wrong with them not being able to live long-term in DC? I've got no problem at all with federal representatives "packing up" on a regular basis. Why do you? As to the need to constantly be packing up, here's what one wise northern abolitionist, George Bassett, had to say about how to avoid constant secession movements: “...the doctrine of coercion... is the destruction of the government, because it is a political revolution. It is a change of the whole spirit of the government, from a confederacy of sovereign States, held together by mutual interest and common attachment, to a consolidated empire, bound together by military force. “It is also, to some extent, an efficient cause of the present dissolution of the Union. It is the belligerent doctrines and attitude of the dominant politicians of the North, which have precipitated this movement of secession. If the right of secession had been conceded at the first, the movement would have been deprived of its essential vigor and intenseness. The people, feeling that they had a conceded right to secede at will, would naturally have delayed an act so fearfully pregnant with possible evils. … Nor could so many States have been induced to follow the momentous experiment in such hasty succession. It is very doubtful if the movement could have been effected at all, if the right to make it had not been denied.” If it were true that "Any reasonable and honest reading of the Confederate constitution... makes it incredibly clear that they had one primary issue causing them to secede... and that reason was their desire to preserve the institution of slavery," why did the Confederate Constitution, how do you explain that the Confederate Constitution, which was mostly just a word for word copy of the US constitution include these changes: The preamble added the phrase, "each State acting in its sovereign and independent character." Powers were not "granted" to the federal government, like in the US constitution, but rather "delegated." The Confederate Constitution added: “The House of Representatives … shall have the sole power of impeachment except any judicial or other Federal officer, resident and acting solely within the limits of any State, may be impeached by a vote of two-thirds of both branches of the (State’s) Legislature …” The president was given line-item veto power in all appropriation bills. The power to collect tariffs and other taxes was limited to purposes "for revenue necessary" to running the government. Tariffs to “promote or foster any branch of industry” were specifically disallowed. "...neither this, nor any other clause contained in the Constitution shall ever be construed to delegate the power to Congress to appropriate money for any internal improvement intended to facilitate commerce” except along waterways and harbors. "...of the several states" was added to the 9th amendment. The 10th amendment was changed from "to the States respectively, or to the people" to "to the States respectively, or to the people thereof.” Sounds like an awful lot of opposition to crony capitalism and centralized government to me, especially considering how few changes were made overall.
    1
  1196. 1
  1197. 1
  1198. 1
  1199. 1
  1200. 1
  1201. 1
  1202. 1
  1203. 1
  1204. 1
  1205. 1
  1206. 1
  1207.  @TheStapleGunKid  How do you reconcile the following excerpt from Jefferson Davis' February 22, 1862 second inaugural address to your the South was fighting to invade some other place in the future argument? "When the independence of the Confederate States is recognized by the nations of the earth, and we are free to follow our interests and inclinations by cultivating foreign trade, the Southern States will offer to manufacturing nations the most favorable markets which ever invited their commerce. Cotton, sugar, rice, tobacco, provisions, timber, and naval stores will furnish attractive exchanges. Nor would the constancy of these supplies be likely to be disturbed by war. Our confederate strength will be too great to tempt aggression; and never was there a people whose interests and principles committed them so fully to a peaceful policy as those of the Confederate States. By the character of their productions they are too deeply interested in foreign commerce wantonly to disturb it. War of conquest they cannot wage, because the Constitution of their Confederacy admits of no coerced association. Civil war there cannot be between States held together by their volition only. The rule of voluntary association, which cannot fail to be conservative, by securing just and impartial government at home, does not diminish the security of the obligations by which the Confederate States may be bound to foreign nations. In proof of this, it is to be remembered that, at the first moment of asserting their right to secession, these States proposed a settlement on the basis of the common liability for the obligations of the General Government."
    1
  1208.  @TheStapleGunKid  However little popular support the Corwin amendment may or may not have had, it passed both houses of Congress with the necessary 2/3 votes even after the southern states that had already seceded had withdrawn their representatives (i.e. even without their votes), and even though it passed before Lincoln was inaugurated, the president has no role in passing constitutional amendments (so neither Buchanan nor Lincoln), so whether he had been inaugurated or not was totally irrelevant, and in any case, he made a point of saying he had no objections to irrevocably and constitutionally protecting slavery from federal interference (let alone abolition.) So unlike the war measures you cited, the Corwin amendment was precisely the "Northern response to Southern secession." As for the Emancipation Proclamation, which you misconstrued as the Northern response to secession, even though it came in response to lots of later developments, Lincoln said of it, "I view the matter as a practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.” In other words, the war, neither at the beginning nor at any other point, wasn't at all in opposition to slavery except insofar as opposition to slavery happened to coincide with opposition to the South's independence. And that was obviously the constant: the North opposed any consideration of recognizing the right of self-government even as it went from the Corwin amendment to the Emancipation Proclamation. As for the motives you've ridiculously tried to impart to all the advocates of the right of self-government, one outstanding disproof that nonsense among countless others (not that the claim isn't so patently ridiculous that it needs any disproving) comes from what the abolitionist Bassett wrote in 1861: “Suppose the case reversed, and, instead of South Carolina desiring to secede from the Union, for the interests of slavery, Massachusetts should wish to secede, for the interests of liberty. Suppose the people of the latter should feel conscientiously bound to withdraw political fellowship and complicity with slavery, and to exercise their natural sovereignty in a just, humane, and impartial system of government,–would it not be oppression to coerce her to remain? Would not the combined tyranny of thirty-three coercing States be a more intolerable despotism than any single tyrant? Would it not be oppression for the general government to collect an involuntary tribute from an unwilling State, to support a government whose flag protects not only the crime of slavery but the African slave trade itself? … The friends of liberty and a free conscience should be careful how they sanction a principle against South Carolina, which may have equal power against the holiest instinct of humanity in the people of the Northern States.” But, of course, your argument against the right of self-government can't stand on its own merits but rather depends on resorting to these sorts of ad hominem arguments.
    1
  1209. 1
  1210. 1
  1211.  @TheStapleGunKid  "You haven't been able to refute any of those..." I repeat: Just for the record, you didn't accept my challenge to "quote me and repeat the contradictory quote(s) from the Confederate leaders" because you obviously can't. What do you think any of those quotes prove that I need to refute to hold any position I've taken? Nothing. But quote me if there's anything I've said you think you can challenge with any of those quotes you've tried to distort. "I've shown you Robert Toombs explaining the necessity of expanding slavery." And I've shown you the president of the Confederacy denying any such need and explaining why the Confederacy's well-being was exceptionally consistent with peacefully minding its own business. All you've presented are quotes from before secession, that weren't in any way about the war or the Confederacy's war aims. You continue to allege that the war was fought over the "expansion of slavery" even though you don't have a single quote or shred of evidence from anyone saying any such thing about the war, not by any leaders of the Confederacy, not by any Northern leaders, not by any propagandists, not by any revisionist historian until well over 100 years after the end of the war. I can back up every single point I've made with historical evidence from that time, including from lots of sources that had no Confederate bias whatsoever, like, for example, abolitionists and founding fathers that lived long before the war. And you can't even explain how the "expansion of slavery" was at stake in the war anyway. Your argument rests on the assumption that the Confederate states' whole reason for seceding was to be able to invade some other undetermined place in the future, even though you can't find a single quote of any Confederate leader saying so. And, in any case, denying the southern states the right to self-government because of what they weren't trying to do but might try to do in the future is equivalent to justifying slavery on the basis of what black people might do if they were allowed their freedom. So it would be a lousy argument even if it weren't historically preposterous, which it is.
    1
  1212. 1
  1213. 1
  1214. 1
  1215. 1
  1216. 1
  1217. 1
  1218. 1
  1219. 1
  1220. 1
  1221. 1
  1222. 1
  1223. 1
  1224. 1
  1225. 1
  1226. 1
  1227. 1
  1228. 1
  1229. 1
  1230. ​ @TheStapleGunKid  "Mr. Davis... said, “We are not fighting for slavery; we are fighting for independence.” This is true; and is a truth that has not sufficiently been dwelt upon. ...our enemies have diligently labored to make all mankind believe that the people of these States have set up a pretended State sovereignty, and based themselves upon that ostensibly, while their real object has been only to preserve to themselves the property in so many negroes, worth so many millions of dollars. The direct reverse is the truth... the cause of the war, the whole cause, on our part, is the maintenance of the sovereign independence of these States.… The whole cause of our resistance was and is, the pretension and full determination of the Northern States to use their preponderance in the Federal representation, in order to govern the Southern States for their profit. ... Yet neither tariffs nor slavery, nor both together, could ever have been truly called the cause of the secession and the war. We refuse to accept for a cause any thing… than that truly announced, namely, the sovereign independence of our States. This, indeed, includes both those minor questions, as well as many others yet graver and higher. It includes full power to regulate our trade for our own profit, and also complete jurisdiction over our own social and domestic institutions; but it further involves all the nobler attributes of national, and even of individual life and character... It is right to let foreign nations, and “those whom it may concern,” understand this theory of our independence. Let them understand that, though we are “not fighting for slavery,” we will not allow ourselves to be dictated to in regard to slavery or any other of our internal affairs, not because that would diminish our interest in any property, but because it touches our independence."
    1
  1231. 1
  1232. 1
  1233. 1
  1234.  @TheStapleGunKid  What was the free government of the founding fathers? You wouldn't have a clue, would you? Or if you do, you would never admit it, because you despise it. It certainly wasn't the absence of slavery. The freedom of the founding fathers was, in the words of Jefferson Davis, "the rights which our fathers bequeathed to us... [that] the people of those communities were asserting that no man was born -- to use the language of Mr. Jefferson -- booted and spurred to ride over the rest of mankind; that men were created equal -- meaning the men of the political community; that there was no divine right to rule; that no man inherited the right to govern; that there were no classes by which power and place descended to families, but that all stations were equally within the grasp of each member of the body politic. These were the great principles they announced; these were the purposes for which they made their declaration; these were the ends to which their enunciation was directed." Or in the words of Thomas Jefferson, "that every state has a natural right, in cases not within the compact [casus non foederis] to nullify of their own authority all assumptions of power by others within their limits: that without this right, they would be under the dominion, absolute and unlimited, of whosoever might exercise this right of judgment for them... and the barrier of the constitution thus swept away for us all, no rampart now remains against the passions and the power of a majority in Congress, to protect from a like exportation or other more grievous punishment, the Minority of the same body, the legislatures, judges, governors, & counsellors of the states, nor their other peaceable inhabitants, who may venture to reclaim the constitutional rights and liberties of the states and people, or who for other causes, good or bad, may be obnoxious to the views, or marked by the suspicions of the President, or be thought dangerous to his or their elections or other interests public or personal... that these & successive acts of the same character, unless arrested at the threshold necessarily drive these states into revolution and blood, and will furnish new calumnies against republican government, and new pretexts for those who wish it to be believed that man cannot be governed but by a rod of iron: that it would be a dangerous delusion were a confidence in the men of our choice to silence our fears for the safety of our rights: that confidence is every where the parent of despotism; free government is founded in jealousy and not in confidence... that they will view this as seizing the rights of the states & consolidating them in the hands of the genl govm’t with a power assumed to bind the states (not merely in the cases made federal, but) in all cases whatsoever, by laws made not with their consent, but by others against their consent; that this would be to surrender the form of govmt we have chosen, & to live under one deriving it’s powers from it’s own will & not from our authority..."
    1
  1235. 1
  1236. 1
  1237. 1
  1238. 1
  1239. 1
  1240. 1
  1241. 1
  1242. 1
  1243. 1
  1244. 1
  1245. 1
  1246. 1
  1247. 1
  1248. 1
  1249. 1
  1250.  @Ben00000  Hold Lincoln quotes in high regard? No, but they do, of course, provide some insights into what he and the Republicans represented: 1848: "Any people anywhere, being inclined and having the power, have the right to rise up, and shake off the existing government, and form a new one that suits them better. This is a most valuable - a most sacred right - a right, which we hope and believe, is to liberate the world." September 13, 1862, the day after the Preliminary Proclamation was issued: “Understand, I raise no objections against it [slavery] on legal or constitutional grounds … I view the matter [emancipation] as a practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.” “There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white people to the idea of indiscriminate amalgamation of the white and black races … A separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation, but as an immediate separation is impossible, the next best thing is to keep them apart where they are not already together. If white and black people never get together in Kansas, they will never mix blood in Kansas…” “The whole nation is interested that the best use shall be made of these [western] territories. We want them for the homes of free white people.” “I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races …there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races from living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be a position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race.”
    1
  1251. 1
  1252. 1
  1253. 1
  1254. 1
  1255. 1
  1256. 1
  1257. 1
  1258. 1
  1259. 1
  1260. 1
  1261. 1
  1262. 1
  1263. 1
  1264. 1
  1265. 1
  1266. 1
  1267. 1
  1268. 1
  1269. 1
  1270. 1
  1271. 1
  1272. 1
  1273. 1
  1274. 1
  1275. 1
  1276. 1
  1277. 1
  1278. 1
  1279. 1
  1280. 1
  1281. 1
  1282. 1
  1283. 1
  1284. 1
  1285. 1
  1286. 1
  1287. 1
  1288. 1
  1289. 1
  1290. 1
  1291. 1
  1292. 1
  1293. 1
  1294. 1
  1295. 1
  1296. 1
  1297.  @GuythatplaysApiano  > you’re not even gonna answer why you’re defending the institution of slavery What have I said that you're interpreting as a defense of slavery? I basically didn't say anything at all about slavery. I certainly didn't make any defense of it. But you asked a different question earlier. You asked, "Why are you defending a country that tried to keep people enslaved?" And I answered, "Why are you defending a country that tried to keep people enslaved?" Both sides in the 2nd American Independence War kept people enslaved the entire time, so no matter which side anyone thinks was in the right with regards to the war, he's defending a country that tried to (and did) keep people enslaved. And, as I noted before, the 13 states when they declared their independence from England tried to (and did) keep people enslaved, too, so not only does your proposed disqualification apply to both the Union and the Confederacy in the 2nd American Independence War, but it applies to the USA in the 1st Independence War, too. Obviously it's an absurd excuse for determining which side is right or wrong in a war. > The rebels attacking fort Sumter proved that it was impossible to make any attempt at peace now. What do you mean by an "attempt at peace"? Do you mean simply that the southern states were determined to stand up for their right to independence and self-government and that evicting northern forces from their own border defenses proved to the North that the seceded states weren't going to forfeit those rights? Or are you completely unaware of the fact that the North had already for months completely refused all the southern states' attempts to negotiate a peaceful separation, that the North had already made it unambiguously clear that it would engage in no peaceful negotiations on the terms of southern independence?
    1
  1298. 1
  1299. 1
  1300. 1
  1301. 1
  1302. 1
  1303. 1
  1304. 1
  1305.  @TheStapleGunKid  Republicans won the 1860 election on a promise to defy the Supreme Court's ruling. The Supreme Court ruled in 1857: “3. Every citizen has a right to take with him into the Territory any article of property which the Constitution of the United States recognises as property. 4. The Constitution of the Unite I States recognises slaves as property, and pledges the Federal Government to protect it. And Congress cannot exercise any more authority over property of that description than it may constitutionally exercise over property of any other kind.” The 1860 Republican platform declared: "8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom: That, as our Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that "no persons should be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States." There is no talk anywhere of getting the Supreme Court to overturn its decision. The 1860 election was largely about whether the North would submit to the constitution as mediated by the Supreme Court. The Republicans wanted to defy the constitution. Some Republicans openly spoke of defying the constitution even as they themselves understood it in the name of a "higher law." The northern Democratic position, in contrast, was expressed by Pierce: “If there are provisions in the Constitution of your country not consistent with your views of principle or expediency, remember that in the nature of things that instrument could only have had its origin in compromise, and remember, too, that you will be faithless to honor and common honesty if you consent to enjoy the principles it confers, and seek to avoid, if any, the burdens it imposes. It cannot be accepted in parts; it is a whole or nothing, and as a whole, with all the right it secures, and the duties it requires, it is to be sacredly maintained... It is no matter what our peculiar views may be, or what prejudices may take possession of our minds or hearts. If, as American citizens, we find ourselves constrained by a law higher or more imperative than this law, we then deny the obligations which the Constitution imposes, and can have no just claim to the protection and blessings which it confers.” Yes, the South seceded because the North had voted to defy the constitution particularly with regards to the territories. You've presented no evidence that the South particularly cared about the territories beyond the constitutional issues and beyond the role the territories would play in influencing the balance of power in DC. It's ridiculous to suggest the South went to war over the territories, as if the balance of power between North and South in DC (something that obviously wouldn't be an issue for an independent Confederacy) hadn't been an issue since at least the time the constitution had first been written, when almost all the northern states were still practicing slavery.
    1
  1306. 1
  1307. 1
  1308. 1
  1309.  @TheStapleGunKid  "...challenge that view with a specific law and see if SCOTUS would issue a different ruling." It's ridiculous to suggest that they would expect a different ruling. What evidence is there for the interpretation that they intended to see if the Supreme Court would issue a different ruling and that they intended to submit to the court's ruling if they didn't? BS! But your argument clearly depends on such BS myths. "Again, we have a system in place for challenging laws one thinks are unconstitutional. If the rebels felt they had the constitution on their side, they should have taken their case to the courts, not the battlefields." The Confederate states passed laws to secede. By your logic, if Lincoln felt he had the constitution on his side, he should have taken his opposition to secession to the courts, not the battlefield. "...in response to Lincoln merely proposed to do." That was far from their only grievance. You should know what their leading constitutional grievance was, and it wasn't one that was merely proposed. Their grievances began: "In the present case, that fact is established with certainty. We assert that fourteen of the States have deliberately refused, *for years past*, to fulfill their constitutional obligations..." "Can you find even a single quote from any Confederate leader or document stating 'We are totally fine with the North taking steps to eliminate slavery so long as they do it with laws we think are constitutional?'" Sure, as Georgia, after describing the ways in which the northern states were trashing the constitution said in its declaration of causes, "The people of Georgia have ever been willing to stand by this bargain, this contract; they have never sought to evade any of its obligations..." Georgia specifically noted that the Republicans' refusal to respect even the Supreme Court. And here from Texas' declaration of causes: "By consolidating their strength, they have placed the slave-holding States in a hopeless minority in the federal congress, and rendered representation of no avail in protecting Southern rights against their exactions and encroachments. They have proclaimed, and at the ballot box sustained, the revolutionary doctrine that there is a 'higher law' than the constitution and laws of our Federal Union, and virtually that they will disregard their oaths and trample upon our rights." The threats the South cared about clearly involved and depended on Republicans disregarding their constitutional oaths and trampling the southern states' constitutional rights. You quote Mississippi and South Carolina's declaration of causes where they talk about the territories and say, "Nothing about constitutional issues in that line." But the declarations of causes are all about constitutional grievances. South Carolina summed up what its grievances amounted by saying in its declaration: "The guaranties of the Constitution will then no longer exist..." Texas said specifically about the territories: "...to exclude the citizens of the Southern States, unless under odious and unconstitutional restrictions, from all the immense territory owned in common by all the States on the Pacific Ocean, for the avowed purpose of acquiring sufficient power in the common government..." Power in the common government was why the states cared so much about the territories, not any issue which applied to an independent Confederacy, and you still haven't presented any evidence that proves otherwise, only baseless and false interpretations of what were really constitutional disputes motivated by desire for power in the common government, which the southern states completely abandoned when they seceded.
    1
  1310. 1
  1311. 1
  1312. 1
  1313. 1
  1314. 1
  1315. 1
  1316. 1
  1317. 1
  1318. 1
  1319.  @yoloswaggins7121  "...how small an area can claim that right?" I believe that right ought to be respected with regards to any area, however small, in which the people of that area wish to exercise that right. Even today there are some awfully tiny countries in the world, some of which have a longer history as independent states than the US. But seceding from the US would mean forfeiting all the rights of US citizens, including the right to work in the remainder of the US... even to enter the US. So there are major practical limitations on very small areas seceding, and in any case, whether areas smaller than states could claim the right to secede wasn't at stake in the war (although the North did assert the right of part of Virginia to secede from the rest of the state.) “The Union was formed by the voluntary agreement of the States, and in uniting together, they have not forfeited their Nationality, nor have they been reduced to the condition of one and the same people. If one of the States chose to withdraw its name from the contract, it would be difficult to disprove its right of doing so…” -– Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy In America (~1835) “If any state in the Union will declare that it prefers separation … to a continuance in the union …. I have no hesitation in saying, ‘Let us separate.'” Thomas Jefferson “That it will be a federal and not a national act, as these terms are understood by the objectors; the act of the people, as forming so many independent States, not as forming one aggregate nation, is obvious from this single consideration, that it is to result neither from the decision of a majority of the people of the Union, nor from that of a majority of the States. It must result from the unanimous assent of the several States that are parties to it, differing no otherwise from their ordinary assent than in its being expressed, not by the legislative authority, but by that of the people themselves. Were the people regarded in this transaction as forming one nation, the will of the majority of the whole people of the United States would bind the minority, in the same manner as the majority in each State must bind the minority; and the will of the majority must be determined either by a comparison of the individual votes, or by considering the will of the majority of the States as evidence of the will of a majority of the people of the United States. Neither of these rules have been adopted. Each State, in ratifying the Constitution, is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act. In this relation, then, the new Constitution will, if established, be a federal, and not a national constitution.” Madison, Federalist #39
    1
  1320.  @yoloswaggins7121  Here are some quotes from abolitionists relating to the allegation that Southerners were traitors: George Bassett, 1861: “When a government becomes so corrupt as to forfeit the respect and support of the citizens in whose name it is exercised, and for whose protection and benefit it professes to act, it is very apt to resent disloyalty with the charge of treason and rebellion. … “The secession of South Carolina has been called in Congress 'a revolt,' and 'rebellion.' But this charge could come only from a total misapprehension of the nature and object of free government. Revolt is resistance to the supreme authority. But the true idea of free government is, that the people themselves are this supreme authority. How, then, can a whole united people be chargeable with this crime? Can they 'revolt' against themselves? The idea is absurd.” Joshua Blanchard: “'Rebellion' is defined by Webster, 'an open and avowed renunciation of the authority of the government, to which one owes allegiance.' This can only apply to government on the European principle – there can be no such thing as owing allegiance in a government expressly held on the will of the people.” Blanchard, March 1861: "The doctrine that the prerogatives of government are more sacred and inviolable than the rights, liberties, and welfare and even lives of individual men, is now openly maintained by the advocates of an enforced union, in direction opposition to the principle of popular sovereignty.... The success of this compulsory measure, establishing the character of our national government as one maintained by coercion, and not by consent, would be an awful apostacy, a retrogression into the barbarous maxims of European domination, cemented in blood; an utter failure of the first magnificent experiment of popular government, the the exultation of tyrants, the disgrace of our land, the despair of all the friends of freedom in the world." Bassett: "The same principle that has always made me an uncompromising abolitionst, now makes me an uncompromising secessionist. It is the great natural and sacred right of self-government." Josiah Warren: “The right of self-sovereignty in every human being, which gives you the supreme right to leave us without asking our leave gives to your slaves the same right to leave you...”
    1
  1321. 1
  1322. 1
  1323.  @pavitrprabhakar3981  Your comparison of Phelps to India is very funny. I guess I don't see any advantage to living in the same country as leading scientists or athletes, though. I think it's pretty crazy how much money Americans spend on sports programs (including tax dollars for sports programs that are parts of schools), plus all the time spent driving children back and forth to sports programs and other activities. I think I'd prefer a mellower lifestyle where children just got to go outside and play (including playing athletic games with neighboring children, but not in highly organized and specialized ways), besides helping with their families' work. Wasn't Gandhi very supportive of initiatives for local self-sufficiency and critical of industrial dependency? Do any Indians still hold views like that? I'm personally inclined to views like that, but it seems like very few Americans think like me nowadays. I think there's a lot of common ground between those views of Gandhi (based on my very limited and possibly mistaken knowledge) and the Patrick Henry quote I shared. I see becoming "a great and powerful people" (quoting Henry), including Olympic champions, leading scientists, a powerful army, etc. largely as seductive things that lead people away from things of greater value like healthy and reasonably independent, self-determining families/homesteads/communities. How well remembered is the Bhopal disaster in India today? To me that disaster represents the modern American way.
    1
  1324.  @pavitrprabhakar3981  I'm in my 40's, and I think I just randomly read something that mentioned the Bhopal disaster within the last 5 years and made note of it, but prior to that I don't think I knew anything about it at all, and I'd guess less than 10% of Americans (maybe more like 1-2%) know anything about it. I might ask some slightly older people to get a better feel. Shamefully, I had to look up what 26/11 was and when I did it seemed totally unfamiliar to me, although I surely must have heard about it at the time. When I mentioned Gandhi before I didn't mean to say anything about non-violence, only about the self-sufficiency ideas that I connect to him when I think about India (although not as much as non-violence, but that just wasn't where I was going.) It sounds like India is doing more to avoid dependence on China than the US is. I wish the US were more like what it seems India is. I'm also troubled by how much control a small number of large social media companies (facebook, twitter, etc.) manipulate and control the flow of ideas and information, completely apart from any international issues, but that's probably another subject entirely. You ask how lots of scientists and innovators can not be a good thing. I didn't mean to say that they're bad (although I do think the costs of scienc and innovation -- I would consider the Bhopal disaster one example of those costs -- are often poorly calculated such that the net benefit is exaggerated), but what I meant to say is that the benefits of science tend to be globally accessible, so it doesn't seem to matter much whether those scientists are in my country or another country. People can buy the latest cell phones anywhere in the world, for example, no matter where the technology in them was developed.
    1
  1325. 1
  1326. 1
  1327. 1
  1328. 1
  1329. 1
  1330. 1
  1331. 1
  1332. 1
  1333. 1
  1334. 1
  1335. 1
  1336.  @oscarbenigsen4538  "Lincoln publicly and directly encouraged Americans to calibrate to The Declaration of Independence by" So you're unable to recognize/unwilling to admit that the main point of saying "all men are created equal" was to defend the right of the colonies to secede from England and choose their own government? You really feel the need to blind yourself to the simple fact that that was the whole main point of the Declaration of Independence? "against absolute Despotism" Against anything that should seem to them less "likely to effect their Safety and Happiness," just like the delegates to the Philadelphia convention did 11 years later when they threw off the Articles of Confederation and chose a new government for themselves based on an arbitrary standard they established for themselves (9 of 13 states) on their own authority. Did the Articles represent "absolute despotism"? Of course, not. Did Lincoln try to twist the meaning of the Declaration of Independence in order to gain more political power for himself and the robber barons he worked for? Sure. So what? "For several years, long before he became president, Lincoln implored America to..." "Any people anywhere, being inclined and having the power, have the right to rise up, and shake off the existing government, and form a new one that suits them better. This is a most valuable - a most sacred right - a right, which we hope and believe, is to liberate the world." -Lincoln "a power that the South had once wielded against the North with impunity." Not at all! When Southerners dominated the federal government they (Thomas Jefferson) said, "If any state in the Union will declare that it prefers separation … to a continuance in the union …. I have no hesitation in saying, ‘Let us separate.'" The way you destroy a union is by threatening to physically beat and beating your partner into submission when she tries to leave you. You preserve a union (not that some unions shouldn't sometimes be left) by compromising and respecting the agreement you made with your partner and making your partner want to freely choose to remain in union with you, not by beating her.
    1
  1337. 1
  1338. 1
  1339. 1
  1340. 1
  1341. 1
  1342. 1
  1343. 1
  1344. 1
  1345. 1
  1346. 1
  1347. 1
  1348. 1
  1349. 1
  1350. 1
  1351. 1
  1352. 1
  1353. 1
  1354. 1
  1355.  @Dennis-nc3vw  And Obama didn't come out in favor of homosexual marriage at the time either. But Bush II's wife did publicly support homosexual marriage. Bush I served as an official witness to a homosexual marriage. There are reports Bush II offered to officiate a homosexual marriage himself. The neo-con position as represented by those like Bush II is more than clear enough. As summarized over 100 years prior by R. L. Dabney (Stonewall Jackson's chief of staff), "Northern [Connecticut, Maine...] conservatism... is a party which never conserves anything. Its history has been that it demurs to each aggression of the progressive party, and aims to save its credit by a respectable amount of growling, but always acquiesces at last in the innovation. What was the resisted novelty of yesterday is today one of the accepted principles of conservatism; it is now conservative only in affecting to resist the next innovation, which will tomorrow be forced upon its timidity and will be succeeded by some third revolution; to be denounced and then adopted in its turn. American conservatism is merely the shadow that follows Radicalism as it moves forward towards perdition. It remains behind it, but never retards it, and always advances near its leader. . . . Its impotency is not hard, indeed, to explain. It is worthless because it is the conservatism of expediency only, and not of sturdy principle. It intends to risk nothing serious for the sake of the truth, and has no idea of being guilty of the folly of martyrdom... The only practical purpose which it now serves in American politics is to give enough exercise to Radicalism to keep it “in wind,” and to prevent its becoming pursy and lazy, from having nothing to whip."
    1
  1356. 1
  1357. 1
  1358.  @woodrowcall3158  > Of course Jefferson Davis and the CSA wanted to be left alone. The point is that's all they wanted. The Union didn't go to war because the Union refused to make any slavery-related concessions to the Confederacy. The Confederacy asked for no slavery-related concessions (or any other sort of concessions) from the the North; they asked only to be left alone. And the Confederacy likewise didn't go to war rather than make any slavery-related concessions to the Union. The Union asked for none. > The Union could have gave them that peace, but the CSA didn’t deserve it and thankfully they didn’t receive it. So given that the Union also practiced slavery throughout the war (and declared the war was being waged with no purpose of interfering with slavery), how do you figure the Union had any moral high ground for denying the Confederate States the right to independence and self-government? And what about Americans in 1776? Do you think they didn't deserve the right to independence and self-government either because they also practiced slavery? Or are your reasons for denying other peoples' right to independence and self-government completely arbitrary? And what about slaves? Do you likewise say some slaves didn't deserve the right to independence and self-government either because of some moral failings they (or other slaves they were associated with) had, even though those moral failings didn't break any laws, and "thankfully" when they tried to assert their right to freedom "they didn't receive it" but were physically beaten back into submission? In any case, that is the moral principle you're asserting, right?
    1
  1359. 1
  1360. 1
  1361. 1
  1362.  @TheStapleGunKid  "The only measure SCOTUS ruled unconstitutional" So if the Supreme Court doesn't rule something unconstitutional, even if just because a case doesn't reach them (including because the people that would have appealed to them were denied access to the courts)... or because they don't feel powerful enough to directly challenge a president that's willing to trash the rule of law as part of his power grab... or because they'd prefer to increase their own power along with an unconstitutional power grab by another branch of the federal government... or for whatever reason, then you don't think it's unconstitutional? If that's not your point, what is it? "living in a nation that you have full representation and the freedom to leave is slavery" If rulers rule by coercion instead of by consent, yes, that's slavery. What would you call a system in which rulers rule over a people against their will because he won the electoral college (without so much as trying to win or even coming close to winning a majority of the popular vote)? "Someone who defends that has no grounds..." Of course, there's no historical substance to your propaganda, but yes, I think people have a right to self-government regardless of how they wish to govern themselves. Self-government is meaningless if it doesn't include how people would govern themselves. But you'll obviously accept any excuse for denying people the right of self-government, because you would deny any state the right to secede for any reason.
    1
  1363. 1
  1364.  @TheStapleGunKid  "The EU has an exit policy" In other words, the EU recognizes the right of unilateral secession. Which is to say, no, contrary to your claim, every government wouldn't be slavery if only governments founded on coercion, not consent, counted as governments. "Then why do you say a government that rules through coercion is slavery, when all governments use coercion in the form of laws, laws that some people don't agree with?" Yes, all governments use "coercion" in the sense that they use force, but not all governments derive their powers from coercion. It is certainly possible for governments to derive their powers from consent, just like the US Declaration of Independence declared is the only just basis of government power. Is the idea of a government deriving its powers from the consent of the governed impossible for you to even imagine? Are America's founding principles so completely foreign to your un-American mind? "If a bunch of child molesters wanted to declare a part of the country to be their own nation just so they could molest children without fear of being arrested, would you be in favor of allowing it?" I think child molesters should be prosecuted and convicted according to the law with all the rights that should always be respected for all accused or convicted criminals. But any other category of child molesters other than convicted criminals should be legally treated as innocent until proven guilty and enjoy the same rights as anyone else (with limited exceptions for those charged with crimes not yet tried), and rulers have no more right to deny self-government to people that should be legally treated as innocent than people that are simply innocent. So your turn now. My questions again: When you define freedom as having "full representation" (whatever that means and whoever gets to be the judge of that) and having "the ability to leave," does that mean if a bunch of child molesters wanted to leave a nation just so they could molest children without fear of being arrested, you'd be all for allowing them to leave? What property would you allow them to take with them when they left? Anything except real property? And why aren't these hypothetical child molesters in prison to start with? Is child molestation legal in this hypothetical country that these hypothetical child molesters want to leave?
    1
  1365. 1
  1366.  @TheStapleGunKid  "The EU does not recognized any unilateral right to secession" Did the EU vote on whether it wanted to allow the UK to secede? Was it not entirely up to the UK (i.e. unilateral) whether the UK wanted to secede from the EU or remain a part of the EU? "What the penalty would be (if any) for failing to follow it is entirely beside the point." Whether a government would use force to prevent its members from seceding is precisely the point. "So once they secede and declare themselves to be a nation, we just have to let them do their own thing and molest any children that are inside their "borders." Who says we can't use force beyond our borders? The US attacked Syria in response to chemical attacks that the US alleged the Syrian government was responsible for within its own borders. Whether that's justified or not is another question. You seemed to suggest it wouldn't be justified, because you said you would support allowing these hypothetical child molesters to leave the existing borders of your country specifically for the purpose of molesting children elsewhere, and "all we can to protest and oppose it in indirect ways..." "But how can they be [prosecuted and convicted according to the law], if they have seceded and thus are no longer subject to our laws?" Before they leave, obviously. You already said you think these hypothetical child molesters should be "allowed to physically leave and move to another nation molest children". So ask yourself your own question: how can they be prosecuted and convicted according to the law if they have left (especially if they went to a country that wouldn't extradite them to their original country) and thus are no longer subject to their original country's laws? "they haven't been convicted of a crime yet. The reason for that doesn't matter in regard to this thought excersize. What matters is that they want to secede for the specific express purpose of molesting children. Should they be legally allowed to do that?" If they haven't been convicted and are free to physically leave the country (as you said they should be) -- alleged criminals awaiting trial aren't free to leave the country, so apparently they haven't even been charged with child molestation -- then I can't think of any circumstances in which they shouldn't be treated as innocent before the law and afforded all the same rights as anyone else. But you apparently completely reject the legal idea of innocent until proven guilty, the 5th amendment, etc.?
    1
  1367.  @TheStapleGunKid  You said, "they haven't been convicted of a crime yet. The reason for that doesn't matter in regard to this thought excersize. What matters is that they want to secede for the specific express purpose of molesting children. Should they be legally allowed to do that?" I responded, "But you apparently completely reject the legal idea of innocent until proven guilty, the 5th amendment, etc.?" You answered, "Not at all. I don't reject that." Either they're presumed innocent until proven guilty or they're not. If they've been charged with a crime and haven't been tried yet, then I would have no problem prohibiting them from leaving (in any sense/by any definition) the union or even just their state until their trial is completed, assuming their 6th amendment right to a speedy trial is respected. But you've said that's not the case in your hypothetical either. If they haven't been charged or convicted there's no just basis for legally discriminating against them. "These people haven't been arrested or charged yet, but they are worried that might happen some time in the future" If they haven't been convicted, then they should be presumed innocent, which is to say they shouldn't be treated by the state any differently than anyone else. If you're arguing that they should be treated differently, even though they haven't been so much as charged with a crime yet, then you're absolutely rejecting the legal idea of innocent until proven guilty and the 5th amendment. "So then you would say yes, a bunch of child molesters would have the right to..." I would reject the premise that they should even be viewed as child molesters if they haven't so much as been charged with, let alone convicted of any such crime. Particularly as relates to any legal questions, I don't think we should even admit of any such category as a child molester that hasn't been convicted of child molestation. In other words, I think criminal suspects deserve to be presumed innocent. How can you say otherwise and also say you don't reject the legal idea of the presumption of innocence and the 5th amendment? Child molesters should be charged, given a fair trial by a jury of their peers, and then punished after conviction, not deprived of the protections afforded criminal suspects and discriminated against as if they had already been found guilty while being left mostly free to move about the country. "Whether or not the EU was involved in the vote, they were still involved in the process." I'm all for involving the union from which the state is seceding in the separation process, as long as the decision is entirely up to the state choosing to secede (i.e. unilateral) and as long as being "involved in the process" doesn't become a shallow pretext for deciding whether a state may peacefully secede or not. You quoted me saying, "Who says we can't use force beyond our borders?" And then you responded, completely missing my point that countries can and sometimes do use force beyond their borders, "a bunch of child molesters would have the right to secede... and once they did that, US authorities could no longer do anything to stop them?" The US could wage war against another country, like we did in the example I already cited of Syria, in order to try to stop that country from doing something it was allegedly doing entirely within its own borders. Of course, that's not the only example of the US waging wars against other countries because of what they were doing within their own borders. We also waged war against Serbia to defend the right of the people in one part of Serbia to secede. Under what circumstances (if ever) we should wage such wars is another question, but it's certainly possible; the US has done so on multiple occasions; and it's certainly not necessary to deny Syrians or Serbians or the Barbary states, etc., the right to independence and self-government in order to get them to do or stop doing some particular thing. In other words, wars can and very commonly are waged with objectives that don't include denying the enemy the right to independence and self-government.
    1
  1368.  @TheStapleGunKid  "Well that's certainly not what happened with the Confederate states, which didn't involve the Union in their separation process at all." Only because the North refused to negotiate. As one Northerner said: "If it is found, in fact, that there is within the domain of the seceding States a disproportionate amount of public property, let the matter be adjusted by a rational negotiation. "In reference to this, as well as a proper division of the common public debt, and all other similar questions, the seceding States express the most becoming spirit and honorable intentions, as appears from the following article in the Constitution recently established. It is as follows: "'The government hereby instituted shall take immediate steps for the settlement of all matters between the States forming it, and their late confederates of the United States, in relation to the public property and public debt at the time of their withdrawal from them, these States hereby declaring it to be their wish and earnest desire to adjust everything pertaining to the common property, common liabilities, and common obligations of that Union upon principles of right, justice, equality, and good faith.' "This certainly looks like the olive branch of peace; and if we decline it, and attempt the fatal policy of coercion, will not the civilized world and the impartial record of history be against us?" "Or are you saying the involvement is just optional? Because if it's just optional, then you aren't talking about the EU, since their exit policy does not say EU involvement in the process is optional." As I already said, "as long as the decision is entirely up to the state choosing to secede (i.e. unilateral) and as long as being "involved in the process" doesn't become a shallow pretext for deciding whether a state may peacefully secede or not." Providing an excuse to deny a state the right to decide for itself whether to secede or not is exactly what you're trying to do, isn't it? "Going outside that process is not legally permitted." Neither is DACA for the children of illegal aliens. What's your point? The equivalent of saying we should use that illegality as an excuse to murder the children of illegal aliens? "What other term would you use?" Use whatever term you want. If they haven't been convicted of a crime, then for legal purposes they're innocent until proven guilty, and whatever you want to call them provides no excuse for legally discriminating against them. As I already said, child molesters should be charged, given a fair trial by a jury of their peers, and then punished after conviction, not deprived of the protections afforded criminal suspects and discriminated against as if they had already been found guilty while being left mostly free to move about the country. "These people want to secede and create their own nation for the specific purpose of molesting children. Should they be allowed to do it? Yes or no?" I don't believe they should be discriminated against for crimes they haven't even been charged with, let alone convicted of. Why do you think they should be? If you can't even find enough evidence to charge these alleged child molesters with a crime, then how can you think you'd have justification for waging war against them to supposedly stop them from committing crimes you're not stopping them from committing before they secede? Why are you trying so hard to circumvent the legal process and the Bill of Rights? Your whole agenda must be to attack constitutional liberty.
    1
  1369. 1
  1370.  @TheStapleGunKid  "federal property. It's like a robber stealing your stuff and then coming back later to "negotiate" how much money he might give you for it." Except that it was as much their stuff as anyone else's to start with, so it's a whole lot more like a couple that separates and then after separating negotiates the terms of the separation and how to divide up the property they previously held jointly. "Because if the seceding state has to follow a process from the host government in order to legally secede, then it's not unilateral." Not in order to secede but in order to negotiate the terms of the separation once the people have decided for themselves (unilaterally) to separate, to negotiate the division of the previously jointly held assets/liabilities, etc. What else is there for any separation process to resolve? "The point is the EU is not an example of a government that legally permits unilateral secession, since they have a formal process for secession that needs to be followed for it to be legal, so you shouldn't try to cite it as one that does." That's like saying the existence of divorce court proves that married individuals don't have a unilateral right to leave their spouses. States do indeed have an undisputed legal right to unilaterally secede from the EU. I said about these hypothetical people that you're calling child molesters (even though you say they haven't been charged, let alone convicted of child molestation), "I don't believe they should be discriminated against for crimes they haven't even been charged with, let alone convicted of. Why do you think they should be?" And you said, "I didn't say they should be." So if you don't think these people that you're calling child molesters should be treated any differently than anyone else, why are you asking me hypothetical questions about child molesters? If you don't think it should make any difference that they're child molesters, why hypothetically stipulate that they are something that doesn't matter? If you can't think of any reason or justification for treating them any differently, why should I?
    1
  1371. 1
  1372. 1
  1373. 1
  1374. 1
  1375. 1
  1376. 1
  1377. 1
  1378. 1
  1379. 1
  1380. 1
  1381. 1
  1382. 1
  1383. 1
  1384.  @TheStapleGunKid  "Why does it matter that Lincoln won 40% of the popular vote...?" I already answered that question in the same comment you replied to. And the answer is it doesn't matter. As I already said: according to America's founding principles, he wouldn't have had a right to rule over them without their consent if he had won with 99% of the vote. The 13 colonies were, after all, only a very small minority of the English Empire. The important question is, given that Republicans didn't even represent a majority and couldn't even claim a right to rule over the southern states on that basis (which wouldn't have been a valid basis even then, as I already explained and repeated again above), what basis did they have for their claim? The answer, of course, is no valid basis at all, but I'm sure you have other ways to deflect from that central question. "in a 4-way race" The race was in no way that's relevant to this discussion a 4-way race. The Republicans won because they won an absolute majority in enough states to win the electoral college, not because, as with the lie you're surely trying to suggest, the majority their opponents represented was divided and the Republicans won a plurality of votes. The Republicans didn't win with a plurality. It's impossible to win the electoral college with a plurality. As I've said before, and as you know, even if all his opponents' votes, totaling over 60% of the popular vote, had gone to a single ticket, the Republicans would have won just the same. The Republicans won with thirty-some percent of the popular vote because the electoral college system is such that if one ticket wins a majority of the vote in a majority of the states and the second ticket comes in a close second in most of those states and completely dominates the other states, such that the second ticket dominates the popular vote, the first ticket nonetheless wins. That system was intended to protect against a tyranny of the majority, but in the case of the 1860 election, it allowed for a tyranny of the minority, not that either one is justified, but a tyranny of the minority is even more gallingly unjustified. "Do you think the South would have complained if Breckenridge had won with the same percentage?" Of course they wouldn't have complained if the rules had allowed a candidate they preferred to win. But that, of course, is a stupid question that only deflects from the relevant question. The relevant question is whether they would have been justified in denying northern states the right to secede under the reverse circumstances (or under any circumstances at all.) There's no good reason to think Southerners wouldn't have respected the right of northern states to secede, but even if they had it would have made Southerners hypocrites; in any case denying other people the right to self-government is unjustifiable. "The Confederate states certainly didn't have a problem with their preferred candidate James Buchanan winning a 3-way race with 45% of the popular vote in the previous election." For the reasons I just gave above, whether they would have "had a problem with their preferred candidate... winning... with 45% of the popular vote" tells us nothing about the question of whether the North was justified in claiming a right to force DC rule onto the South against its will. But it's also ridiculous to compare Buchanan's win to Lincoln's, as if the difference were merely or even mainly a difference of 6 percentage points or as if either the Democrats in 1856 or the Republicans in 1860 had won by a plurality of the vote. In both cases the presidency was won by the winning party winning an absolute majority in the electoral college. The popular vote percentage and the number of whether the opposing vote split had no direct bearing on either election. But there are huge differences between them: first of all, Buchanan was himself a Northerner; secondly, Buchanan won an outright majority in a couple northern states and over 40% of the vote in most of the northern states he lost. Those two facts prove that Buchanan wasn't remotely the sort of sectional candidate that Lincoln was. In other words, Buchanan was more popular in the South than in the North, but he had significant support throughout both sections and couldn't have won without winning states in both sections.
    1
  1385. 1
  1386. 1
  1387. 1
  1388. 1
  1389. 1
  1390. 1
  1391. 1
  1392. 1
  1393. 1
  1394. 1
  1395. 1
  1396. 1
  1397.  @Ben00000  Nothing I've said is inconsistent with Stephens saying that the South thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery. If it were, you could explain how. Here are some other Stephens quotes for you, though: 1860: “slavery was much more secure in the Union than out of it.” 1861: "The principles and position of the present administration of the United States - the republican party - present some puzzling questions. While it is a fixed principle with them never to allow the increase of a foot of slave territory, they seem to be equally determined not to part with an inch 'of the accursed soil.' Notwithstanding their clamor against the institution, they seemed to be equally opposed to getting more, or letting go what they have got. They were ready to fight on the accession of Texas, and are equally ready to fight now on her secession. Why is this? How can this strange paradox be accounted for? There seems to be but one rational solution and that is, notwithstanding their professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slave." 1864: "Ours is a government founded upon the consent of sovereign States, and will be itself destroyed by the very act whenever it attempts to maintain or perpetuate its existence by force over its respective members. The surest way to check any inclination in North Carolina to quit our sisterhood, if any such really exist even to the most limited extent among her people, is to show them that the struggle is continued, as it was begun, for the maintenance of constitutional liberty. If, with this great truth ever before them, a majority of her people should prefer despotism to liberty, I would say to her, as to a wayward sister, 'depart in peace.'"
    1
  1398. 1
  1399. 1
  1400. 1
  1401. 1
  1402. 1
  1403. 1
  1404. 1
  1405. 1
  1406. 1
  1407. 1
  1408. 1
  1409. 1
  1410. 1
  1411. 1
  1412. 1
  1413. 1
  1414. 1
  1415. 1
  1416.  @TheStapleGunKid  "Literally everything Confederate leaders contradicts what [I] say"? We can get to your foolish assumptions later, but since you made such a foolish assertion, tell me how the following quotes contradict anything I've said? "A succession of glorious victories at Bethel, Bull Run, Manassas, Springfield, Lexington, Leesburg, and Belmont, has checked the wicked invasion which greed of gain and the unhallowed lust of power brought upon our soil, and has proved that numbers cease to avail when directed against a people fighting for the sacred right of self-government and the privileges of freemen." -Jefferson Davis 1861 "…slavery is... merely the pretense [used by our enemies] to establish sectional superiority and a more centralized form of government, and to deprive us of our rights and liberties." -Patrick Cleburne "I believe the North is about to wage a brutal and unholy war on a people who have done them no wrong, in violation of the Constitution and the fundamental principles of government. They no longer acknowledge that all government derives its validity from the consent of the governed. They are about to invade our peaceful homes, destroy our property, and murder our men and dishonor our women. We propose no invasion of the North, no attack on them, and only ask to be left alone." -Patrick Cleburne "The principles and position of the present administration of the United States - the republican party - present some puzzling questions. While it is a fixed principle with them never to allow the increase of a foot of slave territory, they seem to be equally determined not to part with an inch 'of the accursed soil.' Notwithstanding their clamor against the institution, they seemed to be equally opposed to getting more, or letting go what they have got. They were ready to fight on the accession of Texas, and are equally ready to fight now on her secession. Why is this? How can this strange paradox be accounted for? There seems to be but one rational solution and that is, notwithstanding their professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slave." -Alexander Stephens "Ours is a government founded upon the consent of sovereign States, and will be itself destroyed by the very act whenever it attempts to maintain or perpetuate its existence by force over its respective members. The surest way to check any inclination in North Carolina to quit our sisterhood, if any such really exist even to the most limited extent among her people, is to show them that the struggle is continued, as it was begun, for the maintenance of constitutional liberty." -Alexander Stephens “We are not fighting for slavery; we are fighting for independence.” This is true; and is a truth that has not sufficiently been dwelt upon. ...The whole cause of our resistance was and is, the pretension and full determination of the Northern States to use their preponderance in the Federal representation, in order to govern the Southern States for their profit. Slavery was the immediate occasion–carefully made so by them–it was not the cause. … We refuse to accept for a cause any thing… than that truly announced, namely, the sovereign independence of our States.
    1
  1417. 1
  1418.  @TheStapleGunKid  What does "slavery was the reason for secession" even mean? It certainly wasn't the case that the northern states were threatening to abolish slavery according to the rule of law and the southern states seceded in order to avoid that or any other constitutionally legitimate threat to the ability of the southern states to continue practicing slavery. But the fundamental question in this video isn't why the southern states seceded but rather what the war was about. You can conflate those two questions in order to hide from your inability to honestly confront the fundamental question, but they are separate questions, and, of course, the northern states could have chosen to negotiate terms for the southern states to peacefully secede. But back to the question of why the southern states seceded, I recognize that the northern abuses of the constitution and the rule of law and of the spirit (expressed in the preamble of the constitution) necessary to union were related to slavery. It certainly wasn't the case that the northern states were motivated by a concern for slaves, but they were exploiting anti-slavery pretenses for the sake of, as Jefferson Davis said in 1861, "greed of gain and... lust of power..." Or as General Cleburne said, "…slavery is... merely the pretense [used by our enemies] to establish sectional superiority and a more centralized form of government, and to deprive us of our rights and liberties." So there was certainly an anti-slavery pretense to the North's abuses of the southern states' rights and liberties. You can dishonestly summarize all that simply as "slavery" if you don't have an honest argument to make, but that still doesn't justify the North's cause in the war.
    1
  1419.  @TheStapleGunKid  "THIS WAS THE IMMEDIATE CAUSE OF THE LATE RUPTURE AND PRESENT REVOLUTION. How much more clear does it get then that?" Read the rest of the speech if you want to understand, and keep in mind that the speaker of that speech had been an opponent of secession until his state seceded and that he had argued that slavery would be MORE secure if his state remained in the union. Your interpretation depends on simply ignoring the rest of the speech, these other facts, and the context. It fails to make any kind of coherent sense of where even this one person stood, let alone where the southern states stood generally. Stephens clearly did NOT believe that the Republicans were not trying to put slavery on the course of ultimate extinction -- not that it would be remotely honest to summarize doing one thing that could possibly lead to another thing that could possibly lead to another thing that could possibly lead to another thing, etc. as "threatening to abolish slavery according to the rule of law," and it's an even greater distortion of the truth to present that quote from Brown as suggesting that he saw any threat to slavery that was proceeding according to the rule of law -- but Stephens believed rather that the Republicans were (from the same speech you quoted) "disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor." In other words, it was the North that went to war for slavery. The South certainly wasn't against slavery, but it was the North that went to war to fight for the spoils of slavery. "In short, the North said to the slave-holders: If you will not pay us our price (give us control of your markets) for our assistance against your slaves, we will secure the same price (keep control of your markets) by helping your slaves against you, and using them as our tools for maintaining dominion over you; for the control of your markets we will have, whether the tools we use for that purpose be black or white, and be the cost, in blood and money, what it may." Lysander Spooner "The principles and position of the present administration of the United States - the republican party - present some puzzling questions. While it is a fixed principle with them never to allow the increase of a foot of slave territory, they seem to be equally determined not to part with an inch 'of the accursed soil.' Notwithstanding their clamor against the institution, they seemed to be equally opposed to getting more, or letting go what they have got. They were ready to fight on the accession of Texas, and are equally ready to fight now on her secession. Why is this? How can this strange paradox be accounted for? There seems to be but one rational solution and that is, notwithstanding their professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slave." -Alexander Stephens And other northern abolitionists recognized the same reality from their perspective as abolitionists: “It seems so clear that slavery in the South could not long exist when deprived of the support of the North, that we are surprised that this evident consequence is so overlooked or disregarded... It is plain, then, that this war is not an anti-slavery, but a pro-slavery war.” Joshua Blanchard “I will not say that the civilized world should not unite to wipe out chattel slavery, as too inhuman to be tolerated; that they should not unitedly proscribe it, as they do the African slave trade, and inaugurate true popular supremacy in its place. But this is not the question between the United States and South Carolina. With us it is not a question of philanthropy, but of aggrandizement.” George Bassett
    1
  1420. 1
  1421.  @TheStapleGunKid  "and they weren't going to let the rebels take it over any more then George Washington would let the Whiskey rebels have Pennsylvania" I can agree that their reasons were very similar to that other event that was totally unrelated to anything about slavery. "if he thought slavery was more secure in the Union, he was soon easily proven wrong" Proven wrong? How do you figure that? If Georgia hadn't voted against seceding as Stephens had advocated the worst case predictions other Southerners were making were along the lines of the 25 year forecast in the Brown quote you keep repeating, and especially in hindsight there's good reason to think slavery would have ended within that time frame if the North had peacefully recognized the right of the people of each state to choose their own government, which is to say seceding combined with Republican party inclinations toward despotism surely brought about the accidental end of slavery sooner than any other conceivable scenario. "He said in no uncertain terms the CSA was the first government in the history of the world founded on the notion that slavery is the African man's natural and normal condition and must remain so. To deny that slavery was the Confederate cause" So if a country declares that it's founded on some particular religious beliefs (Shia Islam or whatever) does that prove that any war that country might get in is a war over that religion? That's the nonsense of your logic. Or if a people with one set of ideas about how they want to govern themselves (whether that includes sharia law, cutting off the hands of thieves, capital punishment for things that wouldn't even be crimes in other places, or whatever) doesn't want to be governed by a people with another set of beliefs and they go to war over whether they can govern themselves, does that prove the war was over those religious beliefs or whatever other kind of beliefs they were? Even if the people demanding the right to rule over the other people were willing to let the other people continue to legally uphold those beliefs, just so long as they acknowledged that they were ultimately subservient to the ruling government (and whatever that government might "ultimately" do that would relate to their beliefs)? Davis said in 1861 (as I already quoted in this thread) the South was "a people fighting for the sacred right of self-government and the privileges of freemen." Is there even a single quote from single Confederate leader from anytime between the beginning and the end of the war that says anything like, "We're fighting for the right to keep slaves"? Show me all the "We're fighting for..." quotes, quotes from the time they were actually literally fighting (not fighting in the sense that representatives "fight" for things in Congress, etc.) that you think support your position. You haven't shared a single "We're fighting for" quote from any Confederate leader, have you? So aren't you the one denying everything Confederate leaders actually said about what they were fighting for?
    1
  1422. 1
  1423. 1
  1424.  @TheStapleGunKid  " 'In other words, it was the North that went to war for slavery.' No it wasn't. You can't cite a single Union leader saying that. The Confederates said slavery was their cause. The Union did not." I can (and have) cited Northerners that said so. Obviously it wasn't a point that political leaders had any interest in admitting, but impartial Northerners, foreigners, and Southerners all recognized the fact. "'The South certainly wasn't against slavery, but it was the North that went to war to fight for the spoils of slavery.' No because if that was true, then they wouldn't have passed a war measure just 2 years into the war that freed all the slaves in the rebel states." They didn't "pass" anything. Lincoln just issued a royal decree, and he only did it because it was looking like he wouldn't be able to win the war or that his political support might erode before he could win the war if he couldn't gain extra advantages. Or in the words of Massachusetts abolitionist Spooner, "In short, the North said to the slave-holders: If you will not pay us our price (give us control of your markets) for our assistance against your slaves, we will secure the same price (keep control of your markets) by helping your slaves against you, and using them as our tools for maintaining dominion over you; for the control of your markets we will have, whether the tools we use for that purpose be black or white, and be the cost, in blood and money, what it may." And the EO didn't free "all the slaves in the rebel states." It specifically exempted those slaves in Union-controlled parts of "rebel" states. What excuse do you find for that, by the way? "They certainly wouldn't have amended the constitution to ban slavery completely." Who's "they"? It wouldn't make any sense if you meant the states that had seceded. And it wouldn't make any sense if you meant the Republicans that passed the Corwin amendment through Congress. Who else is there? And how could they have passed, let alone ratified a constitutional amendment without those other groups? Obviously they couldn't have, so all you have left is nonsense. "Their desire to gradually eliminate it is the whole reason the South seceded in the first place." That's your historically indefensible myth. And it certainly isn't supported by the speeches you quote where Confederate leaders said, "they [the Republicans] are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor." And, of course, it isn't supported by what Republicans said either.
    1
  1425.  @TheStapleGunKid  "What Davis quote from 1861 are you referring to? I showed you a quote from him in 1861 where he cited slavery as the sole reason for secession, just like the other Confederate leaders did." What do you mean by "slavery"? A desire to continue practicing it with the implication that remaining in the union posed a threat that would prevent them from continuing to practice it? And the further implication that that threat was constitutionally legitimate? That is in no way supported by anything any Confederate leader or anyone else at the time said. But if you don't mind, copy whichever Davis quote you're referring to for me again. The 1861 quote I was referring to was when Davis said they were "fighting for the sacred right of self-government and the privileges of freemen." "Brown said the election of Lincoln would lead to the abolition of slavery..." And Democrats have been saying for decades that the election of Republicans would lead to abortion becoming illegal. Do you not believe that politicians ever exploit divisive social issues for political gain even when they're not really motivated to do anything about those issues? There were lots of ways in which slavery could have come to an end. President Buchanan said, "Before [the abolitionists] commenced this agitation, a very large and growing party existed in several of the slave states in favor of the gradual abolition of slavery; and now not a voice is heard there in support of such a measure. The abolitionists have postponed the emancipation of the slaves in three or four states for at least half a century." It's quite possible that slavery would have ended sooner if Northerners hadn't widely supported terrorist attacks against Southerners under anti-slavery pretenses (and other similar but less extreme offenses against peace and the general welfare and against the rule of law and the constitution) than under a number of other scenarios that would have seemed as likely at the time (e.g. the southern states not seceding, or the southern states returning to the union with something like the Corwin amendment passing, or the North allowing the southern states to secede peacefully, or the South winning independence on the battle field, or the North deciding that the cost of subjugating the South was too great and giving up the fight, etc., etc.) And in hindsight, there's very good reason to think slavery could have ended as soon or sooner in most of those scenarios than it would have in a scenario full of the disrespect of the constitution (including the spirit of promoting domestic tranquility, etc., not just a narrow legal adherence) that actually took place but where the southern states had never seceded or been forced back into the union more easily. But really, I don't care what anyone thought would lead to something else that would lead to something else that would lead to something else that would lead to whatever. That's extremely speculative, of course. And who cares? What does it matter?
    1
  1426. 1
  1427. 1
  1428.  @TheStapleGunKid  "I said you haven't cited a Union leader saying that." And I had said, "Obviously it wasn't a point that political leaders had any interest in admitting, but impartial Northerners, foreigners, and Southerners all recognized the fact." So why do you think we should expect Northern leaders would have admitted that profiting off of the southern economy, especially the southern slave economy, was the reason they didn't want to let the southern states exercise their fundamental rights as Americans and choose a different government for themselves if that had been their leading reason, and if they didn't admit it, then it couldn't have been true? Are you telling me that politicians never have ignoble purposes that they try to hide behind false pretenses? Were George Bush II's stated reasons for invading Iraq indisputably the full truth of his real reasons? That would be a ridiculous assumption, wouldn't it? So why do you press such a ridiculous assumption? "...neither Lincoln nor Congress would have done that if the goal of the war was to maintain Southern slavery and use it for themselves." That was the goal originally, but after a couple years of failing to conquer their opponents they were pressured into compromising in order to get what they could, to sacrifice some of the profits they could have exploited from the South in order to help ensure they could exploit the South at all. Great Britain originally declared war on Germany in WWII in order to protect Poland's independence, but then Great Britain allied with the USSR and allowed the USSR to essentially deprive Poland of its independence. The fact that Great Britain eventually allowed the USSR to control Poland is no proof that Great Britain didn't originally go to war over Poland's independence (no more than the EO is proof that the Republicans wouldn't really have preferred to continue profiting off of slavery.) "He couldn't legally apply a war measure to an area that was no longer at war with the Union." So do you think President Trump, if he had wanted to, would have been legally justified in permanently seizing the property of any or all property owners, business owners, etc. in CHAZ because CHAZ was in rebellion? Why did a Virginia or Louisiana slave owner that was no less likely to have supported secession deserve legal protections of his property just because of where the battle lines fell than a slave owner from the same state on the other side of the battle lines? Were they, according to you, not still American citizens? If I happen to live in or have a business in CHAZ does that justify the president disregarding all my rights as an American, regardless of whether I even support CHAZ or not? How do you figure the president had authority to take/burn/destroy/steal/etc. the property of people he claimed to represent just because of where they lived?
    1
  1429. 1
  1430. 1
  1431. 1
  1432. 1
  1433.  @TheStapleGunKid  "Well Stephens sure was proven wrong about slavery being secure in the Union, wasn't he?" No, not at all. Even you've admitted that slavery would have almost certainly lasted longer if the southern states had remained in the union. And you're distorting the question when you say "slavery being secure in the union". What Stephens said was "much more secure," so there was a comparison there, not some absolute. That's a straw man. Slavery wasn't secure under any government in the Americas by the second half of the 19th century, not in the Union, not in the Confederacy, not in Cuba, not in Brazil... You asked earlier about why slavery would have ended in the Confederacy if the North had allowed the southern states to peacefully secede (or something like that.) There are multiple reasons. (1) I think you recently talked about the economic inefficiency of slavery. Technological progress would have increasingly undermined the economic incentive for slavery. (2) The southern defense of slavery had been heavily fed by northern hostility to the South (and I don't mean to the institution of slavery but to the South and its people generally.) If the South had been a separate country, the North wouldn't have had hardly any more incentive to hate the South than to hate Cuba, and then the cause of slavery wouldn't have been bolstered by opposition to things like the murderous terrorism at Harpers Ferry (and lesser things of the same nature.) Murdering random Southerners in the name of opposition to slavery obviously didn't endear Southerners to the abolitionist cause. As President Buchanan said, "Before [the abolitionists] commenced this agitation, a very large and growing party existed in several of the slave states in favor of the gradual abolition of slavery; and now not a voice is heard there in support of such a measure. The abolitionists have postponed the emancipation of the slaves in three or four states for at least half a century." So an independent South would have pretty much eliminated the fuel that the North was pouring on the fire of the anti-abolitionist cause. (3) An independent South would have meant the complete end of the protections afforded to the seceded states by the constitution's fugitive slave clause, not just to those slaves that escaped to free states but probably even to those slaves that escaped to Union slave states. As one slave state congressman said, “...the dissolution of the Union [would be] the dissolution of slavery... Just as soon as Mason and Dixon's line and the Ohio river become the boundary between independent nations, slavery ceases in all the border states. How could we retain our slaves, when they, in one hour, one day, or a week at the furthest, could pass the boundary? Sooner or later, this process would extend itself farther and farther south, rendering slave labor so precarious and uncertain that it could not be depended upon; and consequently a slave would become almost worthless; and thus the institution itself would gradually, but certainly, perish... Slavery in the States would fall with the Union.” (4) An independent South would have been susceptible to economic sanctions and pressure from other countries (potentially also including the Union) that would have been much less likely to have been applied to the entire US. Keep in mind, the Confederacy was originally only 7 states, and those 7 states could have been much more effectively pressured through peaceful isolation measures (like were applied to South Africa over apartheid) than the entire United States could have been. (5) Since the formation of the Republican party, national politics had divided more and more around slavery. We have a two party system because the winner-take-all system established by the constitution (which was the same in the Confederate constitution) leads to a two party system, but an independent Confederacy would have then divided politically rather than having united against northern Republicans. Slavery would have been much less secure in politically divided slave states than in one-party slave states made possible only by competition with Republicans at the federal level, particularly when states had the power to abolish slavery and the federal government didn't. (6) A couple decades after the end of slavery in the US, abolitionist pressure forced an end to slavery throughout the rest of the Americas, most notably Spanish Cuba and formerly Portuguese Brazil. Those same forces would have played out in an independent Confederacy just as much as in Brazil and Cuba where slavery ended without any sectional Righteous Cause Myth.
    1
  1434. 1
  1435. 1
  1436. 1
  1437. 1
  1438. 1
  1439. 1
  1440. 1
  1441. 1
  1442. 1
  1443. 1
  1444. 1
  1445.  @nowthisnamestaken  "How about people don't have a right to own people? Lets start there. Full stop." If people don't have a right to own people how can they have a right to govern other people without their consent? "There were people in the south that were Americans, were trapped and needed rescue didn't want to leave the nation. Were told they no longer were Americans were no longer under the Constitution." It happened in 1776 and with every other independence movement in the history of the world (not that the States were a nation in 1861.) But if you still count citizens of the southern states as citizens of the United States, deserving the protection of the federal government, then the federal government had no constitutional authority or other right to treat them as rebels, did it? "Americas defenses from attack included forts in the south that the south had no right to take by force." So do you think the crown's defenses from attack included forts in the 13 colonies that the colonies had no right to take by force? "I always find it interesting how people say they were defending their homes but that 'defending' sure involved a lot of taking." Versus what? Recognizing the right of King George to continue to control the border defenses of the United States, continue to maintain his military in the States, and deny the States their right to choose their own government? "Richmond was an American city in America. Some people who called themselves Virginians one day decided it wasn't They were wrong." Richmond was a city of the English empire in America. Some people who called themselves Virginians one day decided it wasn't, based on the inalienable right they had to alter or abolish the existing government and institute a new one that suited them better. Americans did the same prior to the Second American Independence War. "The contest is really for empire on the side of the North, and for independence on that of the South, and in this respect we recognize an exact analogy between the North and the Government of George III, and the South and the Thirteen Revolted Provinces." -London Times, November 7, 1861
    1
  1446. 1
  1447. 1
  1448. 1
  1449. 1
  1450. 1
  1451. 1
  1452. 1
  1453. 1
  1454. 1
  1455. 1
  1456. 1
  1457. 1
  1458. 1
  1459. 1
  1460. 1
  1461. 1
  1462. 1
  1463. 1
  1464. 1
  1465. 1
  1466. 1
  1467. 1
  1468. 1