Comments by "Patrick Cleburne" (@patrickcleburneuczjsxpmp9558) on "PragerU" channel.

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  15.  @TheStapleGunKid  It's nonsense to describe Texas winning a Supreme Court case as the "rebels lost the legal war for their cause," and if you insist otherwise you're either trolling or too mentally messed up to be worth talking to (and, of course, trolls aren't worth talking to either.) You double standard -- and this ought to be obvious from what I already said -- doesn't consist in the specifics of what anyone did but rather in the process you suggest should be used to resolve constitutional disputes. You're fine with Lincoln and the Republicans doing what the Supreme Court had already clearly ruled was unconstitutional and then waiting to see if the Court can try to stop them (all in the midst of an unconstitutional war and with people that might have argued the point being thrown in jail without access to the courts.) In other words, you're fine with Lincoln and the Republicans acting FIRST and leaving the constitutional questions for the courts to resolve after the fact (even though they had already ruled on them.) But in the case of secession, you condemn the southern states for seceding before going to the courts and say that a case that Texas won years later proves that Texas (and the other southern states) were wrong. Again, you're either trolling or too mentally messed up to be worth talking to. And then you act like opening fire on a foreign ship in a country's territorial waters that refuses to turn around should require a declaration of war. You obviously have no honest case to make.
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  17.  @TheStapleGunKid  According to the legal ideas that Jefferson asserted in the Kentucky Resolutions (which I believe), it doesn't matter what the Supreme Court said, and according to what you've said, constitutionality is only a concern once the Supreme Court has ruled on a question (even if they've explicitly declared that thing unconstitutional in a previous dispute), so the seceding states acted within their constitutional limits by either of our standards (excepting your double standards.) In any case, anything the Supreme Court said about secession in Texas v. White certainly wouldn't be binding on any state that wanted to secede today 150+/- years later if the Republicans were acting within their constitutional authority when they did what the Supreme Court had explicitly and unmistakably ruled unconstitutional just 3-4 years prior. “When a government becomes so corrupt as to forfeit the respect and support of the citizens in whose name it is exercised, and for whose protection and benefit it professes to act, it is very apt to resent disloyalty with the charge of treason and rebellion. … “The secession of South Carolina has been called in Congress 'a revolt,' and 'rebellion.' But this charge could come only from a total misapprehension of the nature and object of free government. Revolt is resistance to the supreme authority. But the true idea of free government is, that the people themselves are this supreme authority. How, then, can a whole united people be chargeable with this crime? Can they 'revolt' against themselves? The idea is absurd.” George Bassett Of course, the whole basis of your opposition to the South is your fundamental disdain for the idea of free government, so it makes sense that you would categorize free government as "insurrection." As Bassett said, "The most arrogant pretensions of ancient royalty, are not more preposterous."
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  22.  @TheStapleGunKid  "Again, your position assumes some sort of 'right of states to secede today for whatever reasons states might want to secede'. But this is a position so ridiculous that even the Confederates didn't believe it." What evidence do you have of that? And before you go off on some stupid irrelevant tangent, the question is about the "right of STATES to secede," not parts of states, which is another question. Personally, I think the principle ought to apply as much to parts of states as to states, but plenty of people in American history have defended one but not the other. If you're arguing that they were inconsistent to defend principles on behalf of states but not parts of states, then I agree as to the principle (even if perhaps not with regards to specific examples in history.) But the point I was making was about the right of STATES to secede for whatever reasons they might want to. Can you actually address that specific question? Is there any basis for your claim that Confederates didn't believe in the right of states to secede for whatever reasons states might want to secede (which is what you said)? Can you defend what you actually said about STATES? "Preserving and expanding slavery is a bad reason. It's not the only possible bad reason. But it certainly is a bad one." Yes, hypothetically that would be a bad reason, but first of all, that wasn't the reason any of the Confederate states seceded. The Confederate states had made no attempt or demands to expand anywhere when the war started. Had some Southerners advocated expansion? Sure, but so did Northerners both before and after slavery. Trump was talking about buying Greenland from Denmark just a few years ago. Does that justify any hypothetical war in your view? Are you really arguing that the possibility that the Confederacy might have expanded its territory in the future (even peaceably, as with the Louisiana or Alaska purchases) justified a war against it? And as for your claim that the Confederate states seceded to "preserve" slavery, I understand your argument, based on what you've said before, to be that the threat to the "preservation" of slavery that they seceded to protect against was the threat that not expanding posed to the continuation of slavery, so I think you therefore agree that your "preserve" claim rests on your "expand" argument, which is to say if your "expand" argument falls, so does your "preserve" argument. But if there's an independent foundation for your "preserve" argument, we can discuss that separate would-be BS of yours, too (although my understanding is that you're not claiming a separate foundation.) But secondly, and the point I'd be more interested in hearing what you'd have to say about, what do you think it matters if reasons for seceding are good or bad? You're not suggesting that we should deny peoples their rights (either natural, inalienable rights or legal/constitutional rights) if their reasons for exercising them are bad, are you? I think the right to free speech, if it means anything at all, has to apply to the person who wants to say something stupid and evil as much as to the person that wants to use his right to free speech for good reasons. And I would apply the same principle to secession. It definitely seems like we disagree about whether particular rights exist at all, but to the extent they do, you're not suggesting that the right to exercise them should be limited by whether people judge them good or bad, are you? "But whether or not secession happens for good reasons or bad reasons, I agree with James Madison that even under the most justified of circumstances, unilateral secession without any form of national agreement is 'another name only for revolution.'" There are plenty of positions that Madison took that I wouldn't defend (and I don't think he was very consistent, so I think he may very well have contradicted both of us and himself), but I don't believe Madison said anything about "any form of national agreement" about secession, not in those words that you used, nor in any other words. If there's any basis for reading that into what Madison did say, as you did in your comment, you'll have to show me what that is. Nothing like those words are in his letter to Webster where he said the other words of his that you quoted. Regardless, Madison also said, "It appears to your committee to be a plain principle, founded in common sense, illustrated by common practice, and essential to the nature compacts, that, where resort can be had to no tribunal superior to the authority of the parties, the parties themselves must be the rightful judges, in the last resort, whether the bargain made has been pursued or violated. The Constitution of the United States was formed by the sanction of the states, given by each in its sovereign capacity. It adds to the stability and dignity, as well as to the authority, of the Constitution, that it rests on this legitimate and solid foundation. The states, then, being the parties to the constitutional compact, and in their sovereign capacity, it follows of necessity that there can be no tribunal, above their authority, to decide, in the last resort, whether the compact made by them be violated; and consequently, that, as the parties to it, they must themselves decide, in the last resort, such questions as may be of sufficient magnitude to require their interposition." So Madison's answer to the question of who should have the ultimate authority to judge whether a cause of secession is justified or not is clearly the individual state, right? In other words, Madison clearly recognized the ultimate sovereignty of states in these questions to act without any necessary requirement of "national agreement," as you said, right? And that's precisely what Madison did when he helped draft, signed, and pushed for the ratification of the constitution. He didn't allege any sort of "intolerable oppression" (as he spoke of in his letter to Webster) when he supported the right of 9 of the 13 states to form a government without the consent of the other 4, even though they had bound themselves in a "perpetual union" under the Articles that required unanimity for any amendments. So he obviously (at least at that point) supported the right of states to leave an existing union on their own authority simply for the sake of establishing a government they thought would serve their needs better, even apart from any allegations of oppression or any allegations of violations by the other parties of the existing compact.
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  23.  @jxc1640  What's most telling about the declarations of causes of secession is that nowhere in them is any hint of the northern states forcing an abolition amendment on the slave states. So what do you think the declarations prove? They completely contradict the Righteous Cause Myth that the northern states were going to use their victory in the 1860 election to abolish slavery according to the rule of law. There was no constitutionally legitimate threat of the slave states losing their right to practice slavery. As for Stephens and racial inequality, first a quote from Stephens' March 1961 speech, then a quote from Lincoln: "...notwithstanding their professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slave." Lincoln: "I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races …there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races from living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be a position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race."
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  26.  @jaranarm  "Dictatorship that allows no opposition"? What are you talking about? What opposition newspaper was ever shut down by the Confederate government? What elected congressman was ever deported from the Confederacy? What representative was ever imprisoned for his political speech? If you cared about historical facts, you could consider the reasons the Cherokee people gave for joining the Confederacy on Oct 28, 1861, "Throughout the Confederate States we saw this great revolution effected without violence or the suspension of the laws or the closing of the courts. The military power was nowhere placed above the civil authorities. None were seized and imprisoned at the mandate of arbitrary power... "But in the Northern States the Cherokee people saw with alarm a violated Constitution, all civil liberty put in peril, and all the rules of civilized warfare and the dictates of common humanity and decency unhesitatingly disregarded. In States which still adhered to the Union a military despotism has displaced the civil power and the laws became silent amid arms. Free speech and almost free thought became a crime. "The right to the writ of habeas corpus, guaranteed by the Constitution, disappeared at the nod of a Secretary of State or a general of the lowest grade. The mandate of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court was set at naught by the military power, and this outrage on common right approved by a President sworn to support the Constitution. War on the largest scale was waged, and the immense bodies of troops called into the field in the absence of any law warranting it under the pretense of suppressing unlawful combination of men. The humanities of war, which even barbarians respect, were no longer thought worthy to be observed. "Foreign mercenaries and the scum of cities and the inmates of prisons were enlisted and organized into regiments and brigades and sent into Southern States to aid in subjugating a people struggling for freedom, to burn, to plunder, and to commit the basest of outrages on women; while the heels of armed tyranny trod upon the necks of Maryland and Missouri, and men of the highest character and position were incarcerated upon suspicion and without process of law in jails, in forts, and in prison-ships, and even women were imprisoned by the arbitrary order of a President and Cabinet ministers; while the press ceased to be free, the publication of newspapers was suspended and their issues seized and destroyed..."
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